الدكتورة خالدة زاهر اول طبيبة سودانية هل تم تكريمها.................

Quote: Haka’wie from Almorada, Omdurman Amir Zahir Who is not Sudanese? I believe, it is very important to look at the historical aspect of the issue under discussion. At the time in Sudan, people where sharply divided among racial, and classlines, as I have stated previously. The colonial authority systematically enforced that division. The colonial authority's administration records, until as recent as 1948, recognized, defined and classified residence by their ethnic origin. That classification was so racist, to the extent that they identified Sudanese people of Arabic origin, by their tribe, such as Ja'alie, Shay'gee, Jamo'ee etc. While, they classified other Sudanese of African descent, or dark-skinned Sudanese, as Soodanie (Sudanese) only, due to the fact, and/or the perception that, a large number of this group, or their ancestors, have been enslaved. At the time, the term Sudanese, became synonymous with the term Abed (neger, or slave)!!? Until today in Almorada, Abassia, and Hai Al-zubat, you would hear some of the older generation refer to other people who look like them as, "Ahal'lna Al-sodania - or relatives, the Sudanese", meaning dark-skinned people. It is used between them as a term of endearment, referring to the relatively old days when they struggled together to overcome the ridicule, and discrimination against them because of the colour of their skin, and/or their origin. Although, this official policy was changed in 1948, when the colonial authority introduced the "Sudanese Definition Act", which was the base for the Sudanese Citizenship Act of 1957. Although the Sudanese Definition Act, defined citizenship by residency, and/or birth, not ethnicity, the legacy of that ugly past was still so prevalent and very alive when Khalda graduated from medical school. Dr. Zarwi, who was a light-skinned woman, of Armenian origin, and from a very affluent upper class family, graduated from medical school, I believe the same year as Khalda in 1952; however, shortly after she graduated, she married the prominent Sudanese businessman, Sa'ad Abu El-el'laa, and I understand that she did not practice medicine. In addition, I believe, a lot of people looked at her as bet khawa'jat (daughter of foreigners), using the definition I have just discussed above, and her behaviour, such as not wearing tob (the central and northern Sudanese traditional dress), as base for their conclusion. Further, because of the racial division, some people also Haka’wie from Almorada, Omdurman Amir Zahir considered Dr. Zarwi as part of “Al-jalaba class”2 who were seen as supporting the colonial authority because of their vested economic interests. As well, part of this sentiment was due to the perception that the “jalaba” controlled and exploited of the local economy at the time, accumulating very large profits from their trade; however, without investing any part of those profits on the development of the country. In contrast, other people have seen Khalda, as zola zar'ga (dark-skinned person), from Almorada-Omdurman, and from a lower middle class family. Furthermore, due to Khalda's, and her family's active involvement in the struggle against the colonial authority, she was considered by those people as a, "real Sudanese". I believe that definition reflected the sentiment of the time, and the struggle of the grass-roots movement in Almorada, Omdurman, and Sudan in general, against the colonial authority, and against what was considered its institutions. Notwithstanding this historical background, I believe a discussion around the racial issue of Sudanese of Greek/Armenian/Cypriots/Turkish origin, is long over due. As I have stated in one of my earlier Haka'wie, and was knowledgeably discussed by Mutasim and Ayman, in Sudan, the dynamic of class, race, and gender, are not mutually exclusive. They are, and they always have been closely interconnected. Since the Turkish colonization of Sudan (1821-1885), the Mahadia (1885-1898), and during the Anglo- Egyptian colonization (1898-1956), using human beings as a commodity and as tools to accumulate wealth and power through slavery, and/ or exploitation of the local resources, was a common practice. In that history, I believe lays the origin of the strong racial elements of the struggle of the Sudanese poor population against the economic injustice and the unequal distribution of the country's wealth. Thank you. In this context, I am using the term “Jallaba”, as it was used to describe a group of some of the northern Sudanese Arabic riverian who were – and still are – at the helm of economic power and the control of the wealth in Sudan. “Jallaba” originally depicted those of Arabic background who had become very successful commercially. They acted as agents between foreign producers and local markets, spreading their activities throughout Sudan and surrounding areas. They traded in various goods including ivory, ostrich feathers and slaves. Later, the term “Jallaba” evolved to include groups from those of Syrian, Egyptian, Armenian, Greek and Turkish descent who were profiting from slave trading in the old city of Khartoum. (Woodward:23). The term “Jallaba Institution” came to have political meaning, defining this class of people that played an important role in Sudanese history. (Suliman:17-118). Its ideology and practices have been.