الدكتورة خالدة زاهر اول طبيبة سودانية هل تم تكريمها.................

Quote: Omdurman, became the battleground, and a series of Nadawat (workshops, forums, or meetings) were arranged. The party announced that it was going to introduce Khalda as one of the key speakers against the colonial idea of the Legislative Assembly, in one of the coming Nadawat. At the time, the idea of having women attending a political forum was very unusual, and particularly having a rather young woman as a speaker, was even stranger. Everybody was very curious, and in the day of the Nadwa, a large crowed assembled in Nadi Al-kheree'jeen in a very hot afternoon. Although, a lot of people were skeptical, Khalda delivered a fiery speech that made the crowed shout slogans against the colonial authority. As consequence, Khalda was arrested immediately by the police, and she was taken from Nadi Alkheree'jeen to Al-zabtia (The Police Precinct), and that was her first arrest. Moreover, that was the first time ever for the Police to arrest a Sudanese woman for her political views. The news of her arrest traveled very fast in all haw’ari Omdurman, and people started talking loudly about the fact that the Police arrested a "woman" for talking against the colonial authority. At the time, her father was in Bayt Itleet Prison Camp near Tel Aviv in Palestine, after he was taken as a prisoner of war in the War of 1948, between some of the Arab countries and the newly created State of Israel, as he was leading the Sudanese troops in that war. So, her uncle Osman Mutwallie met with the Police to negotiate bail. For fear of public outcry, the Police was very quick to grant her bail that same night. The second arrest was in 1950, during students’ demonstration in the college campus. This time around, her uncle made it very clear that she had to graduate first, before resuming any political activities. Indeed, for Khalda it was easy said than done. However, she managed to graduate from medical school in 1952 as the first Sudanese female medial doctor. Haka’wie from Almorada, Omdurman (7) Amir Zahir 7 1952, was also another turning point in Khalda's personal life, as her long time friend and comrade Osman Mahjoub proposed to her. Again, that marriage proposal started another battle for Khalda; however, this time it had a very strong racial overtone. Osman Mahjoub's family belonged to the Shay'gee'ya tribe, and at that time, Omdurman was sharply divided among racial lines. So, people from both families were dead against that proposed marriage. Large number of her family were against it because Osman was Shay'gee, and they wanted her to marry an officer or at least a son of an officer, preferably from the neighbourhood, not a teacher and Shay’gee like Osman. While some of Osman's relatives were against the marriage because, Khalda was a, “Khadim Foora'wia sakit” (“Of a slave origin from Western Sudan and did not live up to their family standards”). Everybody had his or her agenda, and it would appear that there was no consideration at all for the feelings of the young couple. Again, her father met with Mahjoub Osman, the groom's father whom he had deeply respected, as they worked together in the political activities of Mutamer Alkherejeen (The Graduates Conference”, and finalized the wedding plans, despite all of the opposition from some members of the two families. None of Khalda's uncles attended the wedding, as well as, large number of Osman's relatives did not either! Some of Osman’s family members have also boycotted his father and his immediate family for years to come!!!?? Furthermore, in 1952, Nafeesa Almel'laik, Fatima Talip, Aziza Mekkie, Khalda and other educated women from Omdurman, recognized the need of establishing an umbrella organization to unite and promote women issues. Subsequently, they founded Al-etihad Al-ne'saa'ee Al-Sudanie (The Sudanese Women's Union), and Khalda was elected as one of its executive committee members. Up to that time, for Khalda, it seemed that every single step she had taken in her life, such as what a lot of people take for granted today, was a major battle. She started her career as medical doctor after finishing her residency between Omdurman and Khartoum General Hospitals. In 1954, the young couple was transferred to Baher Al-gazal Province in Southern Sudan. Osman as a teacher in the newly established Rombaik High School, and Khalda as Medical Inspector for the province, responsible for supervising the medical assistants in all of the villages and the urban centers in the province. Haka’wie from Almorada, Omdurman (7) Amir Zahir 8 Shortly, after that Khalda and Osman started their new family; however, she continued to work while raising her young children. Through the years, and as a career woman, she had to deal with the pressures and the demands of her job, the sexist attitude of some of her colleagues. That was in addition to the demands of her large family (a father, a mother, a stepmother, nine sisters and nine brothers, in addition to a large number of aunts and uncles). Also, other pressures included the demands of her political and social activities, such as meetings, beyoot bek'yat (funerals), sma'yat (celebration for new-born babies), and other social engagements. Visiting sick people in the neighbourhood, in their homes, or in hospitals, was an expectation, simply because she was Al-dictora bet al-hil'la (the doctor from the neighbourhood). Notwithstanding all of that, she never complained, as a matter of fact, she saw that as her duty to so. Khalda continued her career with the Sudanese Ministry of Health, refusing all of the rather generous and lucrative job offers she has received from international and regional health organizations. In the mid 1970's, she assisted in the establishment of Mujam'aa Sihat Al-atfal (Children's Community Health Centre located in the corner of Shari'a Al-arba'een and Shari'a Al-arda in Omdurman. Her last post, she was the Department Head of Pediatrics with the Sudanese Ministry of Health. Khalda retired in the mid 1980's. She has four children (Ahmed, Khlid, Mariam, and Suad). She currently lives between England Sudan. Haka'wie from Al-morada, Omdurman (8) “Re. Hakawie (7) “Khalda Zahir” and Ethnicity...” Amir Zahir Salam jakum, At first, I would like to say thank you very much everyone for your overwhelming interest on my Haka'wie number (7) about Khalda Zahir. And, especial thanks to Abubakr, Khalid, Sondra, Zaki, Mutasim, Laura, and Reem, for your responses. However, Reem (of course you are family) has raised a very interesting and valid point, regarding Dr. Zarwi Sarkisian, Khalda's classmate in medical school. In the context of who graduated when? Or, who is Sudanese, or Haka’wie from Almorada, Omdurman (7) Amir Zahir 9 who is not Sudanese? I believe, it is very important to look at the historical aspect of the issue under discussion. At the time in Sudan, people where sharply divided among racial, and class lines, as I have stated previously. The colonial authority systematically enforced that division. The colonial authority's administration records, until as recent as 1948, recognized, defined and classified residence by their ethnic origin. That classification was so racist, to the extent that they identified Sudanese people of Arabic origin, by their tribe, such as Ja'alie, Shay'gee, Jamo'ee etc. While, they classified other Sudanese of African descent, or dark-skinned Sudanese, as Soodanie (Sudanese) only, due to the fact, and/or the perception that, a large number of this group, or their ancestors, have been enslaved. At the time, the term Sudanese, became synonymous with the term Abed (neger, or slave)!!? Until today in Almorada, Abassia, and Hai Al-zubat, you would hear some of the older generation refer to other people who look like them as, "Ahal'lna Al-sodania - or relatives, the Sudanese", meaning dark-skinned people. It is used between them as a term of endearment, referring to the relatively old days when they struggled together to overcome the ridicule, and discrimination against them because of the colour of their skin, and/or their origin. Although, this official policy was changed in 1948, when the colonial authority introduced the "Sudanese Definition Act", which was the base for the Sudanese Citizenship Act of 1957. Although the Sudanese Definition Act, defined citizenship by residency, and/or birth, not ethnicity, the legacy of that ugly past was still so prevalent and very alive when Khalda graduated from medical school. Dr. Zarwi, who was a light-skinned woman, of Armenian origin, and from a very affluent upper class family, graduated from medical school, I believe the same year as Khalda in 1952; however, shortly after she graduated, she married the prominent Sudanese businessman, Sa'ad Abu El-el'laa, and I understand that she did not practice medicine. In addition, I believe, a lot of people looked at her as bet khawa'jat (daughter of foreigners), using the definition I have just discussed above, and her behaviour, such as not wearing tob (the central and northern Sudanese traditional dress), as base for their conclusion. Further, because of the racial division, some people also Haka’wie from Almorada, Omdurman (7) Amir Zahir 10 considered Dr. Zarwi as part of “Al-jalaba class”2 who were seen as supporting the colonial authority because of their vested economic interests. As well, part of this sentiment was due to the perception that the “jalaba” controlled and exploited of the local economy at the time, accumulating very large profits from their trade; however, without investing any part of those profits on the development of the country. In contrast, other people have seen Khalda, as zola zar'ga (dark-skinned person), from Almorada-Omdurman, and from a lower middle class family. Furthermore, due to Khalda's, and her family's active involvement in the struggle against the colonial authority, she was considered by those people as a, "real Sudanese". I believe that definition reflected the sentiment of the time, and the struggle of the grass-roots movement in Almorada, Omdurman, and Sudan in general, against the colonial authority, and against what was considered its institutions. Notwithstanding this historical background, I believe a discussion around the racial issue of Sudanese of Greek/Armenian/Cypriots/Turkish origin, is long over due. As I have stated in one of my earlier Haka'wie, and was knowledgeably discussed by Mutasim and Ayman, in Sudan, the dynamic of class, race, and gender, are not mutually exclusive. They are, and they always have been closely interconnected. Since the Turkish colonization of Sudan (1821-1885), the Mahadia (1885-1898), and during the Anglo- Egyptian colonization (1898-1956), using human beings as a commodity and as tools to accumulate wealth and power through slavery, and/ or exploitation of the local resources, was a common practice. In that history, I believe lays the origin of the strong racial elements of the struggle of the Sudanese poor population against the economic injustice and the unequal distribution of the country's wealth. Thank you. 2 In this context, I am using the term “Jallaba”, as it was used to describe a group of some of the northern Sudanese Arabic riverian who were – and still are – at the helm of economic power and the control of the wealth in Sudan. “Jallaba” originally depicted those of Arabic background who had become very successful commercially. They acted as agents between foreign producers and local markets, spreading their activities throughout Sudan and surrounding areas. They traded in various goods including ivory, ostrich feathers and slaves. Later, the term “Jallaba” evolved to include groups from those of Syrian, Egyptian, Armenian, Greek and Turkish descent who were profiting from slave trading in the old city of Khartoum. (Woodward:23). The term “Jallaba Institution” came to have political meaning, defining this class of people that played an important role in Sudanese history. (Suliman:17-118). Its ideology and practices have been