|
|
 Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله (Re: د.كرار التهامي)
|
Obviously (ya Dektor), you do not know what are you talking about what so ever…
So, let us start with this and I will be having a long talk with you.
Abyei: The Ambivalent North-South Border
By Dr. Francis M. Deng
Chief Deng Abot, one of the two Deputy Paramount Chiefs of the Ngok Dinka, once said of Abyei, the Ngok Dinka area at the North-South border, that it is like an eye, which is so small, but sees so much. Deng Abot’s perspective has now come into full bloom as the North-dominated government in Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, and the Southern-based Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army, SPLM/A, argue over whether Abyei is part of the South or the North. To appreciate the complexities of the issues involved, it is necessary to understand how the Ngok Dinka came to be at the borderline between North and South, the anomalies of their administrative position under the Condominium Anglo-Egyptian rule, the post-colonial developments that have turned their region from a North-South bridge to a point of confrontation, and the challenge Abyei poses for the nation.
Historical Roots of Border Relations
Oral history and historical documents date the first contact of the Ngok Dinka and their Northern counterparts, the Homr Arabs, at1745 . There are conflicting claims about the territory which these groups occupied at which historical points. The Ngok Dinka claim that their territory extended to the areas the Homr Arabs now occupy and even attribute the name of the Homr administrative center, Muglad, whose indigenous name is Denga, to a Ngok leader by the name of Deng, who was supposed to have had that as his headquarters. The Homr on the other hand contest this claim and argue that the area belonged to the Nuba, from whom the Homr captured it. Their claim over the land extends into areas that have been occupied by the Ngok for seven generations.
The Ngok Dinka trace their history through their paramount leaders of whom they count eleven generations. Kwoldit, eighth in the line, is the leader who is believed to have settled the area around1745 . His great grandson, Biong, encountered the upheavals of the19 th century when the people of the South were devastated by slave hunters from the North. Biong’s son, Arob, established peace with the Homr Arabs by entering into a "brotherhood pact" with his Arab counterpart. This fostered cordial relations between their respective peoples. During the Mahdist revolution of1882 -85, Arob went to pay his allegiance to its Islamic leader, Mohammed Ahmed, the Mahdi, from whom he received additional support against slave raids from the North. Homr oral history has it that Arob embraced Islam and was given the name of Abdel-Rauf. But, while the account of the Ngok asserts that Arob went to "Jennah," Paradise, and prayed with the Mahdi, they do not mention any conversion to Islam or the alleged change of name. Dinka anecdote has it that while Arob Biong and his companion, Allor Ajing, were praying with the Mahdi, their ######### bent on the ground, Allor asked Arob, "Arob, do you see God?" Arob said, "Allor, I do not see God, but let us leave matters as they are." Although Arob’s friendship with the Arabs was based on mutual respect for each other’s beliefs and customs, the interaction with the Mahdi indicates the beginnings of prosyletization and religious intolerance.
The Dinka initially saw the Mahdi as a spiritual leader, a man of God whom they expected to redeem the nation from the corrupt Turko-Egyptian rule. In line with their liberal religious beliefs, the Dinka saw the Mahdi as a spiritually inspired leader for all, not just for the Arabs or the Muslims. Indeed, they attributed his spiritual authority to The Spirit of Dengdit, The Great Deng, the most powerful spirit next to God. They composed hymns in praise of the Mahdi as the Son of Deng, imploring him to redeem them from the upheavals of the19 th century, which represented the total destruction of the world as they knew it. When the ansars, followers of the Mahdi, later turned out to be themselves a source of destruction, reviving slave raids with a vengeance, the Dinka withdrew their support for the Mahdist revolution. But even during the hostilities with the Mahdists, the Ngok area remained relatively peaceful because of the cordial ties between their leaders and their Arab counterparts.
Relations Under the Anglo-Egyptian Administration
With the Anglo-Egyptian re-conquest, Arob’s son, Kwol, who had succeeded his father in 1905 at a very young age, went to register his allegiance to the new Government in the Northern province of Kordofan. The objective of his mission was to secure the protection of his people by the central government, as his father had done.
What should be emphasized in this context is that the protection both Arob and his son Kwol sought from the central government was not only for their immediate tribe, the Ngok Dinka, but for all the African tribes neighboring them to the South, the Rek, the Twich, the Ruweng and the Nuer. In his appeal to the Mahdi, Arob presented himself as the leader of all these Southern peoples. It is said that the Mahdi released many slaves and gave them to Arob as a gesture of good will. Most of them were from further South. There is an area in Abyei called Mit-rok, "Building a Fence," where the freed slaves were kept and word was sent to Southern chiefs to come and identify their people. When the Anglo-Egyptian administration was formally structured into Provinces, Districts, and Chieftainships, Kwol Arob was recognized as the Paramount Chief of the Ngok Dinka and the neighboring tribes of the Twich and the Ruweng. Taxes from these tribes used to be paid to Kordofan Province through Chief Kwol Arob and appeals from Southern chiefs also came to him as the highest judicial authority in the hierarchy of customary courts. Later on, the British severed these tribes from Kwol Arob’s jurisdiction on the ground that the area was too big for one chief. They were accordingly affiliated to Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile, while the Ngok Dinka remained in Kordofan.
It should be noted that although Kwol remained in the North, Dinka tribes in the South still regarded him as their leader. Indeed, the historical legacy of leadership at the North-South borders for which the Ngok leaders had become known, combined with Kwol’s personal attributes as a divine leader of great wisdom and charisma, gave him considerable influence among all Dinka tribes, North and South. His historical friendship with the Arabs, combined with the high regard he was accorded by the British administrators, gave him a prominent position as a uniquely influential leader at that important Arab-Dinka crossroads. When Chief Nimir Ali Julla of the Homr Arabs died in1924 , leaving a fourteen year old eldest son, Babo, Chief Kwol was instrumental in ensuring Babo’s succession to his father. According to British sources, the Government hoped that Babo would learn from Kwol’s experience and wisdom, "as indeed he did," in the words of a former British administrator in the area.
In the late1930 ’s, the British offered Chief Kwol Arob the option of joining Bahr el Ghazal or the Upper Nile. They even had chiefs from the neighboring tribes in those Southern provinces to come and persuade him to join the South. In the public discussion of the matter, chief Kwol argued that his father had sought protection for his people through his connections with the North and that he too had followed his father’s footsteps; he saw no reason to break that connection and the cooperation it established between the Dinka and the Arabs. According to the accounts of Southern Chiefs who were at the assembly, Chief Kwol later intimated to them that his decision was not preference for the Arabs over his people, the Dinka, but a protection for the land of the Dinka. He argued that if he were to join the South, the Arabs who now came to water and graze their animals as appreciative guests would become insecure and turn around to claim that the land was theirs. The time would come when their people would become secure enough to re-unite, but that for the time being, they should see him as their shield at the border.
Deng Majok, who succeeded his father, Kwol Arob, as Paramount Chief of the Ngok Dinka in1943 , cultivated even closer ties with the Arabs through personal relationships, especially with Chief Babo Nimir, Paramount Chief of the Missiriya Arab tribes in Southern Kordofan. In a move reminiscent of his grandfather, Arob Biong, Deng Majok entered into a "brotherhood pact" with Babo Nimir, which had profound effect on the relations between their respective tribes. In their account for a biography of Deng Majok, Arab sources assert that Deng Majok was so admired and respected by the Arabs that they saw him as their chief. And yet, Deng Majok jealously guarded the autonomy of his tribe and successfully resisted having Babo Nimir’s authority as Paramount Chief of the Missiriya conglomerate of tribes extended to his area. Deng Majok was the highest administrative and judicial authority in his tribe from whom appeals went not to Babo Nimir, but rather to the central government judicial authorities. Since his judgements were rarely questioned by the national authorities, Deng Majok became virtually the ultimate authority for his people. This gave him a unique position in comparison to both Southern and Northern chiefs whose power was subject to the authority of intertribal councils or appellate authorities. So accepted on his own terms was Deng Majok that although he adopted many Arab-Islamic cultural ways and even engaged Muslim functionaries for his spiritual protection, he never converted to Islam although he allowed a few of his sons to convert to Christianity and encouraged most of them to become Muslims. Otherwise, he openly defended Dinka cultural values and practices against Northern assimilation, one of the reasons he resisted having appeals from his court seen by Arab Chiefs.
Towards the end of colonial rule the British offered Deng Majok the same option which they had offered his father, to disaffiliate his people from Kordofan and join one of the neighboring Southern provinces. Southern chiefs were encouraged to visit him and persuade him to join the South. And Deng Majok was invited to tour Bahr el Ghazal Province in1951 to facilitate his decision. Among the arguments used by the British administrators and the Southern chiefs was that once the British left and the Ngok Dinka found themselves under Northern rule, their position would be considerably relegated by the Arab dominance, and even his Homr friends would treat him as a subordinate. But Deng Majok, trusting in the neutrality and fairness of the central government, believed that justice would prevail in favor of the Dinka. Around1952 , Deng Majok opted for remaining under the administration of Kordofan.
The British decided to give the Ngok Dinka five years within which to change their minds. But as it would turn out, British departure from the Sudan, which was not anticipated then to take place in the near future, was accelerated. Most of the British administrators left during the 1953 - 56transitional period, ahead of the declaration of independence on January1 ,1956 .
It is worth noting that the dominant view among the educated Ngok youth whom Deng Majok consulted, which included his sons, was that annexing the Ngok to the South was part of the British design to make a clear North-South racial division as a prelude to their continuing colonial rule in a racially identifiable African South, once they were expelled from the North. Naïve as it clearly is now in hindsight, the Ngok felt that by maintaining the linkage with the North, they were facilitating the independence of the Sudan as a whole.
Many reasons have been given for Deng Majok’s choice to remain in the North. Some of these are personal and have to do with the privileged position he enjoyed in the North with his Arab neighbors and the central government. Others have to do with his belief that the best interest of his people lay in being a bridge between the North and the South. An aspect of this was what his father had seen, that being in the North was the best way of protecting the ownership of the land again of potential Arab claims. During the transitional period, around1954 -55, with the British gone and the shift of power to the North evident, the Ngok began to realize the potential risks of their remaining in the North in an independent Sudan. The educated Ngok youth decided that it was time to exercise the option given them by the British to change their minds and join the South within a period of five years. A student movement initiated consultations with chiefs at all levels, clan, section, sub-tribe, and tribe, and secured the full support of the Ngok people for reversing the earlier decision in favor of remaining in the South. The matter was then brought to Chief Deng Majok who decided to back the will of the people, but argued that since the decision to remain in the North had been his, he did not consider it appropriate for him to be the one to advocate joining the South. He was, however, prepared to tell the authorities that since this was the will of his people, he did not want to stand in their way and that contrary to his earlier position, he would now follow whatever the people wanted. It was agreed among the educated youth that representatives be sent to the District Headquarters at Rigl el Fullah to convey the wish of the Ngok Dinka to join the South. Justin Deng Biong and Osman Koj Aguer, who were sent to convey the message, were arrested. And Kordofan daily newspaper published an editorial drawing attention to the dangerous separatist tendency that was growing among the Ngok Dinka and calling for ruthless measures to suppress it. As a result of Deng Majok’s conciliatory intervention, the emissaries were eventually released, but Ngok demand for exercising the option given to them by the British within five years was silenced.
Independence and the Deterioration of Border Relations
For a while into independence, Deng Majok still enjoyed to a degree the distinction of being a Dinka among Arabs, who not only treated him as an equal, but even gave him an honored position among them. Indeed, as an expression of their confidence in him, though partly as a result of rivalries among Arab chiefs, they even elected him as the President of the joint Missiriya Rural Council, which included the Dinka and the Nuba, in preference to their Paramount Chief Babo Nimir. This added to the tension already created by Deng Majok’s successful resistance to Babo’s authority as Paramount Chief over the whole District thereby intensifying the rivalry over power between close friends and "contractual brothers."
And yet, independence made Deng Majok see the difference between the positives of equality with the Arabs which he had enjoyed under the British and the independence pursued which clearly favored the Arabs, especially as Babo Nimir became very closely associated with the dominant Umma Party and their patrons, the Mahdi family, into which he married.
For a decade since the outbreak of the 1955 disturbances in the South that extended into the17 -year civil war between the North and the South, Abyei area remained peaceful, barely affected by the war in the South. But by1965 , the war had extended into the Ngok Dinka area and many Ngok youth joined the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement and its military wing, Anyanya. Ironically, Justin Deng Biong and Osman Koj Aguer , who had been the emissaries on the decision to join the South, joined Anyanya and became the leaders of the rebels in the area. Deng Majok delicately balanced between maintaining law and order in cooperation with the security forces and interceding with the rebel leaders, whose cause he identified with, to ensure the security of the Ngok area. Deng Majok died in1969 , when the challenges of the war in the South had fully invaded his area and the balance between cooperating with the warring factions had become most formidable.
At the Addis Adaba talks that resulted in the 1972 peace agreement which halted the war in the South, the position of Abyei was disputed, with the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement representatives asserting that Abyei was part of the South and the Government representatives claiming that it was part of the North. The compromise reached in the end was that the people of Abyei would be given the right to choose whether to remain in the North or to join the South. However, as the Addis Adaba Agreement was being implemented, it soon became obvious that the Government had no intention of implementing that part of the agreement and that the regional government in the South was not about to risk going back to war over Abyei. The people of Abyei felt betrayed. Efforts to find a compromise by building the area as a North-South bridge through local autonomy for the people of Abyei and a program of economic, social and cultural development of the area, though supported by the central government, met with suspicion and hostility on the part of the Homr Arabs and the regional government authorities. Although peace and security prevailed in the South as a result of the Addis Adaba Agreement, the lot of the Ngok Dinka continued to be oppression, reminiscent of the civil war era in the South. Out of desperation, Ngok youth resorted to rebellion in1982 -83, triggering the first phase of the return to hostilities in the South under Anyanya II, the forerunner of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army-SPLM/A. During the current war, even more than in the1955 - 1972war, the Ngok are fully involved in the struggle and some of them occupy leadership positions in the SPLM/A as Southern Sudanese committed to the Movement’s vision of a New Sudan, free from any discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion, culture or gender.
The Challenge of Abyei for the Nation
The issue of Abyei is now once more at the center of North-South conflict and potentials for a peaceful resolution. As the issue is debated, several considerations should be borne in mind.
First, there has never been any question that the Ngok Dinka are part and parcel of their Dinka conglomerate in the South.
Second, their autonomous position in the North was a strategic choice made by their leaders aimed at providing protection for not only the Ngok, but indeed the whole Dinka people and their kindred tribes in the South.
Third, while the Sudan remained united, this bridging role spearheaded by the leadership made the Ngok Dinka a microcosm of North-South relations and an intermediary between the two racial, cultural and religious parts of the country.
Fourth, it follows that in a situation of choice between the North and the South as potentially separable parts, there can be no doubt that the Ngok would choose to be with the South. There is no way their being in the North with the South as a separate entity can be justified.
Fifth, while the decisions about their administrative status were made in the past by the leadership, the time has come for the will of the people to prevail. There is no doubt that the people of Abyei, given the choice, would identify with their kith and kin in the South. But since there is controversy over the issue, that choice should be tested through a free and fair exercise of self-determination by a popular referendum.
Sixth, the Ngok problem underscores the artificiality of colonial borders and the arbitrary restrictions they impose on the freedom of movement and cooperation among nomadic peoples. Any administrative and political arrangements must therefore put into consideration the needs of the neighboring tribes for access to water and grazing lands, the very concerns which Chief Kwol Arob tried to address by opting to remain under the administration of Kordofan.
Finally, it should be made obvious to all concerned that peace between the North and the South will never materialize as long as the problem of the Ngok Dinka is not resolved. And the only amicable solution must be one that unequivocally identifies the Ngok with their kith and kin in the South, but recognizes their vital role as a conciliatory link or bridge with the North, whether within a unified or a divided Sudan. Whatever the political and administrative arrangements, the Ngok and the Homr will remain neighbors who must either coexist peacefully or confront each other violently with repercussions for the whole country. To reverse the metaphor of Chief Deng Abot, who compares Abyei area to the eye that is so small but sees so much, so many eyes, - - local, regional, national, and global are now focused on Abyei as either a peaceful meeting ground or a potential source of persistent conflict between North and South. The Ngok Dinka have a remarkable legacy of peacemaking at the North-South borders. It would be a tragic irony if they became the victims rather than the beneficiaries of North-South reconciliation. But worse, no peace settlement between the North and the South is achievable or sustainable without a satisfactory arrangement for the Ngok Dinka. That hard reality must inform and guide the mediators in the Sudan peace process.
|
|
 
|
|
|
|
|
| العنوان |
الكاتب |
Date |
| الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-20-04, 11:38 AM |
 Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | ahmed haneen | 03-20-04, 12:38 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-23-04, 04:06 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | ودقاسم | 03-20-04, 12:47 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | hamam | 03-20-04, 02:35 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-20-04, 04:07 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | nazar hussien | 03-20-04, 05:39 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-21-04, 01:35 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-21-04, 04:21 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Hisham Amin | 03-21-04, 07:04 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | hamam | 03-21-04, 02:43 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-21-04, 03:16 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Deng | 03-21-04, 03:56 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-23-04, 06:36 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-23-04, 06:39 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | EMU إيمو | 03-21-04, 04:23 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-24-04, 01:55 AM |
| ماذا لو ان؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟ | Elmosley | 03-21-04, 04:43 PM |
| Re: ماذا لو ان؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟ | د.كرار التهامي | 03-24-04, 08:26 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-23-04, 06:50 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-23-04, 06:54 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-23-04, 06:58 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | NEWSUDANI | 03-23-04, 07:25 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | maryoud ali | 03-23-04, 08:14 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-29-04, 01:40 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-23-04, 08:48 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | حبيب نورة | 03-24-04, 02:20 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-24-04, 03:40 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-24-04, 03:46 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-24-04, 07:47 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Deng | 03-24-04, 02:14 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | maryoud ali | 03-24-04, 04:57 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-24-04, 08:07 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Mohamed Bang | 03-24-04, 04:53 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | aymen | 03-24-04, 01:25 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-25-04, 12:41 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | elsharief | 03-24-04, 02:58 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-27-04, 04:41 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | NEWSUDANI | 03-24-04, 08:14 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Ahmed Osman | 03-25-04, 03:06 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | هاشم نوريت | 03-25-04, 03:21 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-29-04, 06:04 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-25-04, 02:48 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | abuguta | 03-25-04, 02:58 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-26-04, 05:26 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Roada | 03-26-04, 00:35 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-28-04, 02:11 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Elawad | 03-26-04, 01:57 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-26-04, 11:29 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Bashasha | 03-26-04, 02:53 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | maryoud ali | 03-26-04, 06:03 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Bashasha | 03-27-04, 01:56 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-27-04, 07:30 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Bashasha | 03-27-04, 09:14 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | mahmed alhassan | 03-27-04, 02:14 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-28-04, 00:56 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-27-04, 03:50 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Deng | 03-27-04, 03:01 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Bashasha | 03-28-04, 02:31 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Mahadi | 03-28-04, 07:37 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Mahadi | 03-28-04, 07:41 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Bashasha | 03-28-04, 08:13 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | mahmed alhassan | 03-28-04, 09:48 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Mahadi | 03-28-04, 10:49 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | aymen | 03-28-04, 01:28 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | د.كرار التهامي | 03-30-04, 03:43 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Deng | 03-28-04, 02:35 PM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | Mohamed Bang | 03-29-04, 00:46 AM |
| الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | ودالسافل | 03-29-04, 06:13 AM |
| Re: الساكت عن أبيي شيطان أخرس . . يا بخت من كان الكونغرس خاله | شريف محمد ادوم | 03-29-04, 02:29 PM |
|
| |
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست