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 Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا (Re: banadieha)
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banadiha,
Thanok you very much.
This is a very important part,
I will come to it later.
Concluding remarks
Against this background a number of pertinent issues need to be dealt with, within the context of the views set out in this submission, relating to the origins and nature of this conflict:
1. Responsibility
I believe that the Commission needs to develop guidelines in respect of the attribution of responsibility to the various role-players in the conflict.
Obviously there rests an overall responsibility on the leadership of the various parties, organisations and institutions which were part of the conflict. I accept such overall responsibility in respect of the period of my leadership. However, when it comes to specific incidents, occurrences, deeds and transgressions it will be necessary to apply specific guidelines.
As far as the State is concerned, I submit that the following guidelines would be
realistic, fair and equitable:
Responsibility should be attributed
1. to Cabinet for all decisions which it took and the instructions that it issued, including all authorised actions and operations executed in terms of a reasonable interpretation of such instructions;
1. to the State Security Council on the same basis applicable to Cabinet, as set out above;
1. to individual ministers for all decisions taken by them personally in their ministerial capacity, including all authorised actions and operations executed in terms of a reasonable interpretation of instructions issued by them in the process;
1. to the commanding officers attached to the security forces on the same basis applicable to individual ministers, as set out above.
I furthermore submit that these guidelines could, mutatis mutandis, be applied to other parties, organisations or institutions.
2. Preventative measures
The question may justifiably be asked whether the Government, during the period that I was State President, exercised adequate control and took appropriate action to prevent abuses - especially after public allegations had persistently been made concerning so-called "third force" activities. In response, I can provide the following list of some of the steps that were taken in this regard and also in pursuance of the normalisation of security force operations:
• Soon after my inauguration I gave instructions for the investigation of all secret and covert operations of the security forces with a view to their possible termination. By March 1990 a number of such operations had been phased out.
• On the 10th January 1990 I addressed some 800 senior police officers and told them that it was their duty to be absolutely impartial; that they should refrain from any political involvement; and that they should restrict themselves to combating crime and protecting the lives and property of all South Africans. On the 7th March 1990, I repeated the same exercise with senior officers of the South African Defence Force.
• In February 1990 I appointed the Harms Commission to investigate certain alleged murders.
• On 9 July 1990 the Government announced the final termination of the National Security Management System, and also drastically scaled down the role of the State Security Council.
• The management of covert operations was further reviewed after receipt of the report of the Harms Commission.
• I appointed a committee under chairmanship of Prof E Khan to advise on the desirability of all secret projects
and to recommend on the phasing out, where possible, of such projects. Part of its brief was to advise me of the adequacy of existing control measures.
• I appointed a standing commission (The Goldstone Commission) to investigate incidents of public violence
• in November 1992 I appointed General Pierre Steyn to investigate allegations made to the Goldstone Commission with regard to activities of the Directorate of Covert Collection of Military Intelligence.
These steps - and particularly the reports of the Goldstone Commission - were instrumental in uncovering many of the abuses that have now come before the Courts and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. However, the Goldstone Commission consistently found that abuses had been committed by all sides in the conflict.
I therefore submit that extensive steps, in keeping with what could reasonably be required under prevailing circumstances, were taken to prevent abuses and the gross violation of human rights. The inability since 1994 of the new Government to bring political violence in KwaZulu-Natal to an end serves as a good case study of the limitations on any Government to effectively deal with the type of violence which has plagued our country for so long.
3. Reconciliation and the way forward
One of the main aims of the Commission's activities is to promote reconciliation. This cannot be achieved unless there is also repentance on all sides. It is in this spirit that I want to emphasize that it is not my intention to excuse or gloss over the many unacceptable things that occurred during the period of National Party rule. They happened and caused immeasurable pain and suffering to many. This is starkly illustrated by the evidence placed before the Commission at its hearings across the country. Many of the accounts by witnesses are deeply moving.
I should like to express my deepest sympathy with all those on all sides who suffered during the conflict.
I, and many other leading figures, have already publicly apologised for the pain and suffering caused by former policies of the National Party. This was accepted and publicly acknowledged by the Chairperson of the Commission, Archbishop Tutu. I reiterate these apologies today.
It is my sincere wish that other parties and organisations, which have not yet done so, will now do the same.
Without reconciliation, the future is bleak. I commit the National Party to continue on the road of reconciliation, reconstruction and development.
1. Amnesty and reparation
I believe that reconciliation goes hand in hand with the issue of amnesty and reparation.
Throughout the negotiations that resulted in the 1993 Constitution it was the understanding amongst the parties that amnesty will be provided for in legislation in line with agreements that had been reached during the process of negotiations. Those agreements and understandings secured the negotiated constitutional settlement that resulted in the peaceful transformation that we have experienced over the last number of years.
It is therefore, fundamentally, important that the Commission now deal with amnesty in an evenhanded way. Any effort to apply stricter norms than those applied in the period up till now, will result in injustice. During my term of Office I found it extremely difficult in many cases to grant indemnity, because of my personal abhorrence of the crimes involved. Nonetheless I had to pardon those then involved because it was the only way to ensure agreement and reconciliation. This difficult task now rests on the shoulders of the Commission.
The task of reparation is an equally difficult one and evenhandedness is equally important. In this regard there are no direct precedents. The victims of the conflicts of the past, more than anybody else, paid a heavy price for the freedom we enjoy today. The country owes then a great debt of gratitude and some or other form of reparation. The National Party will support all reasonable guidelines developed by the Commission in this regard and wish them well.
5. The way forward
Another prime purpose of the Truth and Reconciliation process is to learn from the experiences of the past and to ensure that we never again repeat the same mistakes.
I suggest that we should draw the following lessons and conclusions from all of these traumatic experiences:
• No single side in the conflict of the past has a monopoly of virtue or should bear responsibility for all the abuses that occurred.
• Neither can any single side claim sole credit for the transformation of South Africa. The transformation belongs to us all.
• We should take note of the disastrous consequences of "social engineering", of trying to force complex realities to conform to narrow ideological views. We should learn that the means does not justify the end.
• We should limit the power of government through the kind of mechanisms that we have included in our new constitution - including the charter of fundamental rights; the concept of a rechtstaat; the separation of powers; and the maintenance of free and independent courts and institutions of civil society.
• We must, at all costs, avoid conflict in our diverse, complex and fragile society. We must accommodate diversity and provide security for all our people and all our communities. We must promote mutual tolerance and respect and work together to build a new, over-arching and all-embracing nation. In particular, we must commit ourselves to improving the conditions of millions of South Africans who still live in circumstances of unacceptable poverty and deprivation.
• Lasting solutions to complex problems can be found only through peaceful means, through compromise and through the accommodation of the reasonable interests and concerns of others.
• We must accept the importance of reconciliation, of coming to terms with ourselves, our neighbours, and our past - of forgiving and of being forgiven.
May God, Almighty, grant the Commission the wisdom and the insight to succeed in achieving the worthy goals that Parliament has set for them.
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| العنوان |
الكاتب |
Date |
| أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Roada | 08-31-03, 08:06 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | WadalBalad | 08-31-03, 08:40 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Kobista | 08-31-03, 08:41 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | zola123 | 08-31-03, 09:15 PM |
 Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | KANDAKE | 08-31-03, 09:19 PM |
 Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | HOPELESS | 08-31-03, 11:55 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | bayan | 09-01-03, 06:34 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | banadieha | 09-01-03, 08:24 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Roada | 09-05-03, 03:03 AM |
 Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Yasir Elsharif | 09-01-03, 01:26 PM |
 Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Halema2 | 09-01-03, 11:22 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | مارد | 09-02-03, 00:18 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Haydar Badawi Sadig | 09-02-03, 01:22 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Roada | 09-05-03, 03:00 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | SAMIR IBRAHIM | 09-02-03, 01:09 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Haydar Badawi Sadig | 09-02-03, 02:18 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | WadalBalad | 09-02-03, 07:57 PM |
 Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | HOPELESS | 09-02-03, 10:32 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Roada | 09-05-03, 02:51 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | امادو | 09-06-03, 02:58 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | kofi | 09-05-03, 04:21 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | يحي ابن عوف | 09-05-03, 06:57 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | ABUHUSSEIN | 09-05-03, 05:39 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | banadieha | 09-05-03, 09:18 PM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Roada | 09-06-03, 00:29 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Roada | 09-06-03, 08:53 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | امادو | 09-06-03, 00:09 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Roada | 09-08-03, 04:20 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Roada | 09-15-03, 04:06 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | Mahathir | 09-15-03, 07:36 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | عشة بت فاطنة | 09-15-03, 08:10 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | حسن الجزولي | 09-15-03, 09:49 AM |
| Re: أختلاف الاراء يفسد للود آلاف القضايا | bayan | 09-15-03, 10:05 AM |
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