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 Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا (Re: Abdel Aati)
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4. Further Philosophical Issues
Much recent attention has focused on philosophical issues arising from empirical findings concerning federalism, and has been spurred by dilemmas facing Canada, Australia and Europe.
Sources of Stability
As political orders go, (con)federal political arrangements pose peculiar problems concerning stability and trust. Federations tend toward disintegration in the form of secession, or toward centralization in the direction of a unitary state. Such instability should come as no surprise given the tensions typically giving rise to federations in the first place. Federations are often marked by a high level of ’constitutional politics’: Political parties often disagree on constitutional issues regarding the appropriate areas of sub-unit autonomy, the forms of cooperation and how to prevent fragmentation. Such sampling bias among states that federalize to hold together makes it difficult to assess claims that federal responses perpetuate cleavages and fuel rather than quell secessionist movements. Some nevertheless argue that democratic, interlocking federations alleviate such tendencies (Simeon 1998, Simeon and Conway 2001, Linz 1997).
Many authors note that the challenges of stability must be addressed not only by institutional design, but also by ensuring that citizens have an ‘overarching loyalty’ to the federation as whole in addition to loyalty toward their own sub-unit (Franck 1968, Linz 1997). The legitimate bases, content and division of such a public dual allegiance are central topics of political philosophies of federalism (Norman 1995a, Choudhry 2001). Some accept (limited) appeals to considerations such as shared history, practices, culture, or ethnicity for delineating sub-units and placing certain powers with them, even if such ‘communitarian’ features are regarded as more problematic bases for (unitary) political orders (Kymlicka 1995, Habermas 1996, 500). The appropriate consideration that voters and their sub-unit politicians should give to the interests of others in the federation in interlocking arrangements must be clarified if the notion of citizen of two commonwealths is to be coherent and durable.
Allocation of Authority
Another central topic is the critical assessment of alleged grounds for federal arrangements in general, and the allocation of authority between sub-units and central bodies in particular, indicated in the preceding sections. A related important issue is who shall have the authority to make such allocations and changes (Recent contributions include Knop et al. 1995, Kymlicka 2001, Kymlicka and Norman 2000, Nicolaidis and Howse 2001).
The “Principle of Subsidiarity” has recently received attention owing to its inclusion in European Union treaties. It holds that authority should rest with the sub-units unless allocating them to a central unit would ensure higher comparative efficiency or effectiveness in achieving certain goals. This principle can be specified in several ways, for instance concerning which units are included, which goals are to be achieved, and who has the authority to apply it. The principle has multiple pedigrees, and came to recent political prominence largely through its role in quelling fears of centralization in Europe - a contested role which the principle has not quite filled (Fleiner and Schmitt 1996, Burgess and Gagnon 1993, Follesdal 199 .
Distributive Justice
Regarding distributive justice, federal political orders must manage tensions between ensuring sub-unit autonomy and securing the requisite redistribution within and among the sub-units. Indeed, the Federalists regarded federal arrangements as an important safeguard against “the equal division of property” (Federalist 10). The political scientists Linz and Stephan may be seen as finding support for the Federalists’ hypothesis: Compared to unitary states in the OECD, the ‘coming together’ federations tend to have higher child poverty rate in solo mother households and a higher percentage of population over-sixty living in poverty. Linz and Stepan explain this inequality as stemming from the ‘demos constraining’ arrangements of these federations, seeking to protect individuals and sub-units from central authorities, combined with a weak party system. By comparison, the Constitution of Germany (not a ’coming together’ federation) explicitly requires equalization of living conditions among the sub-units (Art. 72.2) Normative arguments may also support some distributive significance of federal arrangements, for instance owing to legitimate trade-offs between sub-unit autonomy and redistributive claims among sub-units (Follesdal 2001). A central normative issue is to what extent a shared culture and bonds among citizens within a historically sovereign state reduce the claims on inter-sub-unit redistribution.
Democratic Theory
Federalism raises several challenges to democratic theory, especially as developed for unitary states. Federal arrangements are often more complex, thereby challenging standards of transparency and accountability. The restricted political agendas of each center of authority also require defense (Dahl 1983; Braybrooke 1983).
The power that sub-units wield in federations often restricts or violates majority rule, in ways that merit careful scrutiny. Federal political orders typically influence individuals’ political influence by skewing their voting weight in favor of citizens of small sub-units, or by granting sub-unit representatives veto rights on central decisions. Minorities thus exercise control in apparent violation of principles of political equality and one-person-one-vote -- more so when sub-units are of different size. These features raises fundamental normative questions concerning why sub-units should matter for the allocation of political power among individuals who live in different sub-units.
Federations are often thought to be ’sui generis’ , one-of-a-kind deviations from the ideal-type unitary sovereign state familiar from the Westphalian world order. Indeed, every federation may well be federal in its very own way, and not easy to summarize and assess as an ideal-type political order. Yet the phenomenon of non-unitary sovereignty is not new, and federal accommodation of differences may well be better than the alternatives. When and why this is so has long been the subject of philosophical, theoretical and normative analysis and reflection. Such arguments may also contribute to the overarching loyalty required among citizens of stable, legitimate federations, who must understand themselves as members of two commonwealths.
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| العنوان |
الكاتب |
Date |
| لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرالي | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 08:57 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:00 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:03 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:05 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:07 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:09 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:11 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:13 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:14 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:17 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 08:47 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-25-04, 05:59 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-01-04, 06:45 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 07:52 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | محمد الامين احمد | 10-08-04, 09:00 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:38 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:41 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:44 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:45 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:46 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:47 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:48 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:50 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:51 PM |
 Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | معتز تروتسكى | 10-08-04, 08:22 PM |
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Abdel Aati
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست