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 Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا (Re: Abdel Aati)
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3. Reasons for Federalism
Many arguments for federalism have traditionally been put in terms of promoting various forms of liberty in the form of non-domination, immunity or enhanced opportunity sets (Elazar 1987a). When considering reasons offered in the literature for federal political orders, many appear to be in favor of decentralization without requiring constitutional entrenchment of split authority. Two sets of arguments can be distinguished: Arguments favoring federal orders compared with secession and completely independent sovereign states; and arguments supporting federal arrangements rather than a (further) centralized unitary state. They occur in different forms and from different starting points, in defense of ’coming together’ federalism, and in favor of ’holding together’ federalism.
Reasons for a federal order rather than separate states or secession
- Federations may foster peace, in the senses of preventing wars and preventing fears of war, in several ways. States can join a (con)federation to become jointly powerful enough to dissuade external aggressors, and/or to prevent aggressive and preemptive wars among themselves. The confederate American states moved to a federation largely for the first of these reasons, since the center powers of the Confederacy were too weak for protection from external threats. The European federalists Altieri Spinelli, Ernesto Rossi and Eugenio Colorni argued the latter in the 1941 Ventotene Manifesto: Only a European federation could prevent war between totalitarian, aggressive states. Such arguments assume, of course, that the (con)federation will not become more aggressive than each state separately, a point Mill argued.
- Federations can promote economic prosperity by removing internal barriers to trade, through economies of scale, by establishing and maintaining inter-sub-unit trade agreements, or by becoming a sufficiently large global player to affect international trade regimes (for the latter regarding the EU, cf. Keohane and Nye 2001, 260).
- Federal arrangements may protect individuals against political authorities by constraining state sovereignty, placing some powers with the center. By entrusting the center with authority to intervene in sub-units, the federal arrangements can protect minorities’ human rights against sub-unit authorities (Federalist, Watts 1999). Such arguments assume, of course, that abuse by the center is less likely.
- Federations can facilitate other ends where credible commitments, coordination or control over ‘spill-over’ effects and externalities by sovereign states is desired but difficult to ensure without transferring some powers to a common body. Since cooperation in some areas can create a need for further coordination in other sectors, federations often exhibit creeping centralization.
- Federal arrangements may enhance the political influence of formerly sovereign governments, both by facilitating coordination, and - particularly for small states -- by giving these sub-units influence or even veto over policy making, rather than remaining mere policy takers.
- Federal political orders can be preferred as the appropriate form of nested organizations, for instance in ’organic’ conceptions of the political and social order. The federation may promote cooperation, justice or other values among and within sub-units as well as among and within their constituent units, for instance by monitoring, legislating, enforcing or funding agreements, human rights, immunity from interference, or development. Starting with the family, each larger unit responsible for facilitating the flourishing of sub-units and securing common goods beyond the reach of sub-units without a common authority. Such arguments have been offered by such otherwise divergent authors as Althusius, the Catholic traditions of subsidiarity as expressed by pope Leo XIII (1891) and Pius XI (1931), and Proudhon.
Reasons for preferring federal orders over a unitary state
- Federal arrangements may protect against central authorities by securing immunity and non-domination. Constitutional allocation of powers to a sub-unit protects individuals from the center, while interlocking arrangements provide influence on central decisions via sub-unit bodies (Madison, Hume, Goodin 1996). Sub-units may thus check central authorities and prevent undue action contrary to the will of minorities: "A great democracy must either sacrifice self-government to unity or preserve it by federalism. The coexistence of several nations under the same State is a test, as well as the best security of its freedom . . . The combination of different nations in one State is as necessary a condition of civilized life as the combination of men in society" (Acton 1907, 277).
- Federal orders may increase the opportunities for citizen participation in public decision-making; through deliberation and offices in both sub-unit and central bodies that ensures character formation through political participation among more citizens (Mill 1861, ch. 15).
- Federations may facilitate efficient preference maximization more generally, as formalized in the literature on economic and fiscal federalism - though many such arguments support decentralization rather than federalism proper.
Research on ’fiscal federalism’ addresses the optimal allocation of authority, typically recommending central redistribution while local provision of public goods. Federations may thus allow optimal matching of the authority to create public goods to specific affected subsets of the populations. If individuals' preferences vary systematically by territory according to external or internal parameters such as geography or shared tastes and values, federal -- or decentralized -- arrangements that allow local variation are favored, for several reasons. Local decisions prevent decision-making from becoming overloaded, and local decision-makers may also have a better grasp of affected preferences and alternatives, making for better service than would be provided by a central government that tends to ignore local preference variations (Smith 1776, 680). Granting powers to population subsets that share preferences regarding public services may also increase efficiency by allowing these subsets to create such ‘internalities’ at costs borne only by them (Musgrave 1959, 179-80, Olson 1969, Oates’ 1972 ’Decentralization Theorem’). Federal arrangements also shelter territorially based groups with preferences that diverge from the majority population, such as ethnic or cultural minorities, so that they are not subject to majority decisions severely or systematically contrary to their preferences. Non-unitary arrangements may thus minimize coercion and be responsive to as many citizens as possible (Mill 1861 ch. 15, Elazar 1968; Lijphart 1999). Such considerations of economic efficiency and majority decisions may favor federal solutions, with "only indivisibilities, economies of scale, externalities, and strategic requirements ... acceptable as efficiency arguments in favor of allocating powers to higher levels of government" (Padou-Schioppa 1995, 155).
- Federal arrangements may promote mobility and hence territorial clustering of individuals with similar preferences, and allow sub-unit autonomy to experiment and compete for individuals who are free to move where their preferences are best met. Such mobility towards sub-units with like-minded individuals adds to the benefits of local autonomy over the provision of public services -- absent economies of scale and externalities (Tiebout 1956, Buchanan 2001).
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| العنوان |
الكاتب |
Date |
| لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرالي | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 08:57 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:00 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:03 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:05 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:07 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:09 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:11 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:13 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:14 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 09:17 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-24-04, 08:47 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 09-25-04, 05:59 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-01-04, 06:45 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 07:52 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | محمد الامين احمد | 10-08-04, 09:00 AM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:38 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:41 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:44 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:45 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:46 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:47 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:48 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:50 PM |
| Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | Abdel Aati | 10-08-04, 05:51 PM |
 Re: لماذا ندعو للفيدرالية وكيف نراها؟ مساهمة في تطوير برنامج الحزب الليبرا | معتز تروتسكى | 10-08-04, 08:22 PM |
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Abdel Aati
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست