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Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better….
| 03-08-2005, 11:06 PM |
Omar
 Omar
Registered: 02-14-2003
Total Posts: 239
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 Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better….
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This is an attempt to shed some light on the tribes of the South...
The main source will be interent, books, articles etc...
If you find any part of the text posted here not correct in any way, please point that out..
Regards...
THE AZANDE
The name
They call themselves Azande although they are known simply as Zande by others.
Demography and geography
The Azande is the third largest nationality in South Sudan. They are found in Maridi, Yambio and Tambura districts in the tropical rain forest belt of western Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal [remnant of Gbudwe armies that went on rampage in the area during the eighteenth century]. The Azande are also found in DR Congo and Central African Republic; areas, which originally constituted part of the great Azande Kingdom destroyed by the Belgian, French, Mahdist and finally the British in the context of the European scramble for Africa.
Environment, economy and natural resources
The Azande land is tropical rain forest that enjoys high annual rainfall. This has rendered it a very high agricultural potential area. The Azande are agrarian as a dictate of the physical environment. They engage in subsistence [due long distances from markets] production of food crops mainly maize, cassava, telebun, yams, fruits: mangoes, citrus, pineapples, palm trees [from which they extract palm oil – ombiro], coffee, etc. Such exotic and economically important hard wood trees as mahogany, teak, Cinderella are found in Zandeland. The Azande engage in hunting [using traps, nets, and heavy spears] and fishing [in the streams] as part of their economic activities.
In 1948 The Equatoria Project Board [EPB] was established to exploit the huge economic potential of the Zandeland. The Nzara agro-industrial complex was founded to gin and weave cloth, produce edible oil, soap and other produce from the cotton the Azande people were encourage to grow as a cash crop. This project helped monetise and link the Azande economy to other markets in South Sudan.
Mythology and history
There is no sensational origin of the Azande people. The general myth is that the Azande clans return to life once they die. They are incarnated in the form of some animal, which are mostly lion - for the biggest chiefs of the royal clan, leopard, python, snake, wart-hog, rat and lightning. The death of the animal is therefore the end of all things. Men will not kill the animal they believe they turn into except in self defence.
Language
The Azande speak Zande language. The Azande are a Bantu group and their language bears a lot of similarities to the other Bantu languages.
Azande society, social events, attitudes and customs
The Azande society is divided into the royal clans – the Avungara, centred on their great leader Gbudwe, his two sons Yambio and Tambura; and the commoners, most of who could have been incorporated into the Azande through wars, conquest and assimilation. Azande settlements are solitary i.e. a household consisting of the man and his wife (vies), nevertheless they ascribes to certain social norms and practices.
Birth
Azande tradition prevents a pregnant woman from eating certain foods e.g. meat of waterbuck or a kind of sweet potato called mene, because it is believed to cause a miscarriage. There is no special ceremony at the birth of a child. However, four days after the infant’s cord has been cut a fire of green leaves is made at the threshold of the house. The mother with the child in her arms sits in the smoke for about half an hour. This is said to make the child strong. The remains of the fire are not thrown away but carefully placed on one of the paths leading to the village to prevent child’s ill health.
Circumcision
The Azande circumcise their boys as a tradition. This is performed when the boy has reached the age of nineteen. There is no special occasion. The Azande however don’t circumcise their girls. This circumcision of the boys has no relation with Islam.
Marriage
The Azande have no special ceremonies connected with marriage. In the early days a dowry of about 20 spears was paid. A marriage system peculiar to the Azande is that two men may arrange to marry each others sisters, this being a convenient arrangement when they have no spears to pay. Man may begin to pay dowry for a prospective bride when she is still an infant – a kind of pawning.
Death and burial
There are no outward signs of mourning except for widows. At the moment of a husband’s death a women tears off their clothes and ornaments and remain so until his burial. They cut and keep their hair short for about a year during which time she is not allowed to eat certain food. Death of a man may cause desertion of his village and none of his wives may enter it.
All his personal domestic articles are broken up. In the old days people were buried in a sitting position with their chins on their knees. Immediately over the body a roof of wood and grass was placed and the grave then filled in, a pile of stones being placed on the top.
The men are buried facing east and women facing west. The explanation for this is that a man, when he gets up in the morning, always looks first to the east to see if dawn is near, and a woman, when the sun is about to set, goes to fetch wood and water to prepare the evening meal.
Azande political organisation and traditional authority
The Azande socio-political system is an intricate admixture of feudalism, traditional political and administrative authority and witchcraft, charm, etc. After the destruction of their kingdom, the Azande now have chiefs, mostly from the royal clan who combine judicial and spiritual prowess.
The chief invokes witchcraft and oracles, for which the Azande are renowned, to determine and administer justice on those suspected of crimes including adultery, murder through bewitching or evil eyes. In the old days, thieves had their ears cut off and their backs scored with a knife leaving large permanent scars.
Another punishment was to break open an ant-hill and tie the offender on the top of it, intense pain being caused by the armies of soldier ants that would swarm over him. Men suspected of witchcraft, and also occasionally thieves, might be confined in their house and burnt alive. Men accused of committing adultery, especially with their Chiefs’ wives, if not killed outright were emasculated and in addition had their hands, ears and lips cut off.
Spirituality and customs
The Azande demonstrate a high degree of superstition and are prone to witchcraft and charm. There is nothing as natural death among the Azande. No matter the cause, a person is supposed to have been bewitched. The Azande believe that certain people [Borromangu] afflicted with mangu cause everyone’s death.
If the relations think they knew the Borromangu responsible, they go to their chief and ask him to consult Bengye, telling him the name of the person they suspect. The toe and finger nails and hair of the diseased are placed near the chickens during the ceremony should Bengye confirm their suspicions the relations demand compensation from the Borromangu or his relations.
Should the relations not have suspicions of anyone in particular, they consult Bengye to see if they should call in the services of a witch doctor. If they receive an affirmative answer, they give the finger and the nails and hair to him and ask him to find out who is the guilty party. Witch doctors may be consulted to bring rain. A whistle made out of a certain kind of wood is blown and the witch doctor raises his hand several times in the direction in which the rain will come
Culture: arts, music, literature, handicrafts
The Azande culture and art is rich and is expressed in songs, music and dance in self-praise. There is an intricate system of oracles and folklore which remained largely oral.
Dances
The Azande dance is performed predominantly at night during full moons. The men stand in circle moving their feel in lime to the drums and swaying their bodies and ######### from side to side the forearms are held parallel to the ground with the palms of the hand turned upwards.
At times the whole circle goes round in file with the women forming an inner circle. They dance to the sound of the drums and sing topical songs more often rather obscene. Different songs require different ways of beating the drums and all have a chorus in which everyone joins.
Handicraft
The Azande produce excellent bark-cloth, baskets woven from barks and leaves of palm, different types and varieties of wooden craft, tables and chairs, bow and arrows and special iron knives and swords. They also have developed
Neighbours and relations with foreigners
The Azande have had difficult relations with the neighbours namely the Moro, Mundu, Pöjulu and the small groups in Bahr el Ghazal due to their expansionist policy of their King Gbudwe in the eighteenth century. The Azande fought the French and the Belgians, the Mahdist to maintain their independence. They tried in vain to subdue the Dinka in Bahr el Ghazal.
Latest developments
The Azande land has a high potential in agriculture and forestry. Thus on the eve of Sudan’s independence the colonial administration established the Equatoria Project Board to run an agro-industrial complex in Nzara, which produced cloth, oil, soap, sugar and timber. That changed the social and economic configuration of the Azande land. All this have been disrupted by war
Diaspora
Because of the war, large communities of Sudanese Azande now live outside the Sudan particularly in DR Congo and Central African Republic. A few have migrated to East Africa and overseas.
Further readings
E. E. Evans-Pritchard, ‘Witchcraft, oracles and Magic among the Azande.’ Oxford, Claredon Press, 1937
Source:
http://www.gurtong.org
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| 03-09-2005, 03:00 AM |
Omar
Omar
Registered: 02-14-2003
Total Posts: 239
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 Re: Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better…. (Re: Omar)
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NUER
The people
The Nuer are believed to have separated at a certain stage in the past from the Dinka but in their latter development and migration assimilated many Dinka in their path. Nei ti Naath, which translates simply into ‘people’, is the second largest nationality in South Sudan.
In the beginning of the nineteenth century the Naath started to migrate and expand eastwards across the Nile and Zeraf rivers. This was done at the expense of, and more often than not, conquest and assimilation of their neighbours most the Dinka, Anyuak and Mabaano.
The Naath now dominate large parts of Upper Nile extending from River Zeraf through Lou to Jikany areas on the River Baro and Pibor rivers. Nuer expansion pushed into western Ethiopia displacing the Anyuak more to the highlands.
Demographic and geographic distribution
District Major Section Sub-sections Clans
Bentiu Bul Gok
Kuac
Jikany
Jagei
Leek
Dok
Nyuong
Pangak - Ayod Laak
Gawaar
Akobo-Waat Lou Mor Ja-Mai
Ja-Jok
Gon Cieng-Jaak
Ga-Baal
Cieng-Dak
Nasir -Maiwut Jikany Ga-jook Cieng-Lang
Cieng-Wangkai
Ga-Gwang
Gajaak Cieng-Wau
Thiong<
The Naath who number approximately two million are to be found as a federation of sections and clans in western [Bentiu], central [Pangak and Akobo] and in eastern [Nasir] Upper Nile. With the river Nile as the principal geographic dividing line, nei ti Naath Ciang [homeland Nuer] and nei ti Naath Door [wilderness Nuer] form the first level federal division of the rool Naath [the Nuer land].
Environment, economy and natural resources
Most of Naath homeland is located in the swamp areas of Upper Nile. The influence of environment on the lifestyle of the Naath is obvious. Naath are sedentary [although individual families domicile in solitary settlements] are agro-pastoralists balancing subsistence agriculture with cattle herding – Naath keep large herds, fishing and hunting.
The main crops are sorghum, maize [Jikany most probably adopted from the Anyuak] and tobacco. However, the Lou demonstrate yearly transhumance. The arid nature of their homeland in central Upper Nile dictates their dry season migration to the Sobat basin or to Zeraf basin precipitating feuds with Jikany [fishing rights], Gawaar and Dinka respectively.
Western Nuer homeland is imbued with enormous deposits of petroleum. The discovery, development and exploitation of this natural resource is more of a curse to the Naath than a blessing. It is the cause of immense humanitarian disruption and destruction unprecedented in Naath history. Other natural resources potential include wildlife, fisheries, acacia senegaleise [gum arabica], and balantines aegyptiucm [laloob].
Mythology and history
The Naath rose as a separate people [from the Dinka] in Bull area at the beginning of the eighteenth century under circumstances that continue to inform today their mutual prejudices and relations with the Jieng.
The myth, which has several variants, runs that both Naath and Jieng were sons of the same man, who had promised that he would give the cow to Jieng and its young calf to Naath. The Jieng because of cunning and intelligence deceived their father and took the calf instead of the Naath provoking perpetual Naath’s contempt and disregard for the Jieng up to today.
Language
Thok Naath – Nuer language is spoken all over the rool Naath. Being Nilotic, thok Naath is very close to the Jieng and Chollo languages. In fact, the Chollo and Jieng may have the same word cen or cingo [hand] the Naath calls it tet; on the other hand the Naath and Chollo agree on wic [head] while the Jieng call it nhom, etc. The closeness of the language lays credence to the theory that the Naath, Jieng and Chollo have a common origin in time and space.
Naath society, social events, attitudes, customs and traditions
The Naath is a segmented society. The nuclear clan diel are the true owners of the land; in the present context village sites, pastures grounds, its fishing and drinking pools or seasonal streams. The diel attracted others [could also be Naath or other ethnic communities] who settled either through conquest and assimilation or marriage and are called rul or gooth literally meaning strangers, settlers or clients.
The Naath expansion, conquest and assimilation of other people more pronounced in nei Naath ti door also means segmentation and evolution of new diel who occupied other people’s lands giving rising to more expansion and conquest and evolution of diel – a process visible along the Sobat, Pibor and north of Maiwut- and the disappearance [assimilation] of the Ngok Dinka, Anyuak and Mabaano.
Valour at war and conquest over others; with its concomitant acquisition of their property especially cattle and captured girls and boys strengthened one’s social status in Naath society. Although there is marked egalitarianism among the Naath this does not occur to the assimilated or captured individuals as well as the girls and the unmarked boys [men]. Naath exhibit a high sense of solidarity and togetherness in form of visits, marriages, etc.
Initiation into adulthood
Naath remove the four incisors and four lower canines as a sign of maturity for dholni [children] of both sexes. However, initiation into wut adulthood, usually cutting five-six parallel lines across the forehead is undertaken among dhol [boys] of the same age, which like in other Nilotic groups form them into a ric [age set]. The nyal and wut are now ready for marriage, which is prohibited among blood relatives or kins. Marriage is settled in cattle, whose numbers vary from section to the other but ranges from between thirty five to forty five on the average.
Political organisation and structure
The Naath political organisation and structure could be categorised as a confederation of independent and autonomous sections and clans. According to Säfholm, “the organising principle within the Nuer political structure, which gives it conceptual consistency and a certain measure of actual cohesion…, is in the status of the diel. Its unity is expressed in the idiom of lineage and clan affiliation.
Thus dominant clans have the greater political importance.” The political life of a village and the organisation of the cattle camps are in the hands of the gaat tuot – elders of the dominant clan. A rul could become a tutni if he wielded prowess through influence and speech or wealth, nevertheless, tutni belonging to the dominant clan wields more influence in the political system.
The Naath clans have no hereditary leadership; a senior lineage does not rank higher than others; there is no father of the clan; and there is no council of elders. However, the leadership of a localised lineages e.g. cieng, is hereditary.
Indeed personal qualities including lineage, age, seniority in family, large number of wives and children, marriage alliances, wealth in cattle, prowess as a warrior in youth, skill in debate and some ritual powers combine to produce a social personality who is regarded as kuar or tut wec – [leader] of the village or camp.
Other Naath political offices include: war general or expert - gwan muot; the custodian of the land – kuar muon. In fact, the importance of kuar muon is demonstrated in his authority over cases of murder, incest, and other important disputes. An elaborate system of administrative elected chiefs: head chiefs, court presidents, and sub-chiefs have evolved in Nuer land since 1932.
Spirituality, beliefs and customs
The Naath believe in Kuoth [God] the creator but like others believers in traditional systems of beliefs have not systematised these believes. The Naath prophets arose and left their mark on the Naath nation. Ngundeng, who rose in Lou, remains the most revered although younger and less important prophets arose, the last one who left an impact was wud Nyang [1991-1993].
Culture: arts, music, literature and handicraft
Naath arts, music and literature like in most unwritten culture are orally transmitted over generations in songs, stories and folktales. The Naath are rich is songs, and folktales. Naath articles of arts and music include thom and bul, which are similar to those of other Nilotics. Their articles for self-defence include different types of ket [stick] mut [spear]. A man carries goh or gok [charcoal and tobacco bags] and a thiop kom.
The different Naath sections have evolved their different dances: buul performed during the early afternoon especially for marriages; dom-piny [a hole in the ground covered with a skin] is performed during the night where wut and nyal court themselves. Of the most important handcraft the Naath have developed is the dieny [basket for carrying everything including children when on a long journey].
Naath cultural initiatives that have now become Sudanese national cultural heritage is the Mound of Ngundeng at wic Deang in Lou.
Naath’s relations [cooperation] with neighbours and foreigners
With strong and powerful neighbours the Naath can maintain peace and harmony with their neighbours. The Naath have cordial relations with the Tet [Chollo] from whom they have married so many. Naath cherish independence and freedom including freedom to invade others and take over their property, which makes uneasy and sometimes violent their relations with Dinka and Anyuak. They abhor anything that insults their sense of homeland for instance at their initial contacts with the Arabs and Turks, the Naath took offence of Muslim prayers in their land.
Latest development in rool Naath
Modernity, monetary economy, war, discovery of oil, etc., have had profound impact on the Naath traditional ways. Increased violence has resulted in massive displacements and movements of people that of necessity have resulted in some positive change in attitudes and perceptions.
Diaspora
There is a large Naath Diaspora in North America and Australia. Like the seasonal labour migration to northern Sudan, this could be temporary because most of the Naath in the Diaspora are still intimately attached to their home and are likely to return as soon as peace reigns in South Sudan.
Further Readings
Recent books on Nuer
Douglas Johnson
Hutchington Sharon
Hutchington Sharon & Jok Madut
E. E. Evans-Pritchard, ‘Kingship and Marriage among the Nuer.’ Calrednon Press, Oxford. 1951
Seligman, C. G., and Seligman, B. Z., ‘Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan.’ George Routledge & Sons Ltd., London, 1932.
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| 03-14-2005, 00:10 AM |
Omar
Omar
Registered: 02-14-2003
Total Posts: 239
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Re: Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better…. (Re: Omar)
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The : MURLE
The people call themselves Murle. The Anyuak call them Ajibo, the Dinka and Nuer call them Beer.
Demography and Geography
The Murle number about three to four hundred thousand. They inhabit Pibor County in southeastern Upper Nile [Jonglei]. The plain Murle [Lotilla] are predominantly agro-pastoralist, while the mountain Murle [Ngalam] living in Boma Plateau is predominantly agrarian.
Environment, economy and natural resources
Large part of the Murle country a flood prone plain dissected by numerous perennial streams drained from the foothills of the Ethiopian highlands. The topography suddenly rises into the Boma Plateau; and with it the rainfall regime and vegetation. This influenced the social and economic activities of the Murle.
The plain Murle are predominantly pastoral and their socio-economic activities centre round the herding of cattle. They practice subsistence agriculture; fish and hunt extensively. The Murle are extremely skilful in the arts of hunting and stalking game. In Boma where there is high rainfall the Murle practice agriculture cultivating maize, sorghum, simsim, tobacco and coffee.
Mythology and history
Tradition claims that the tribe was created at a place called Jen, somewhere beyond Maji in Ethiopia. The Murle have a number of myths and songs about Jen. Another tradition claims that the Murle was part of a larger group that migration from around Lake Turkana. The memory of the separation from the Didinga, Lorim and others over soup of a gazelle is vivid in the minds of most Murle.
Murle Language
The Murle language is spoken by both the Ngalam and Lotilla Murle. This language is closely related to the Didinga and Boya languages.
Murle society: social events, attitudes, customs and traditions
The Murle society is more primarily inclined to, and interested in their present more than the past. However, the respect for their traditions and customs [ker ci Murlu] is so great that many of these customs have the force of law, which can be taken also for custom. The Murle social structure is explained in terms of drum-ships, clans, lineages, homesteads, and households.
A group of households combines to form a homestead; a group of the homesteads form a tatok or minimal lineage, a group of tatok form a lineage, bor. A clan, bang, is formed of a group of lineages, and each drum-ship consists of a branch of the chiefly Bulanec clan and its attached commoner-clans.
The Murle social and cultural life is centred round their cattle. They breed them, marry with them, eat their meat, drink their blood and milk, and sleep on their hides. The Murle compose songs full of references to the herds captured in battle or raids from their neighbours. Raiding and stealing of cattle is a question of honour and valour. Every important social event is celebrated by sacrifice of a bull, in order to ensure the participation of the ancestral spirits as well as to provide food for the assembled guests and relatives. Kinship obligations are expressed in terms of cattle.
The Murle language has a considerable vocabulary of cattle terms. There are special words for every colour and colour combination; for cows and calves, bulls and oxen, at every stage of their growth; for different kinds of horns and for all the conformations to which their horns can be trained to grow. Every young man is given an ox by his father or uncle when he reaches man’s estate and spends hours singing to his special ox from which he takes his bull’s name.
The Murle stress the importance of the web of kinship ties. They are more interested in the links between living people than in their descent groups, clans, and lineages. Marriage relationship [kaavdhet] is considered most important, and the respect paid to parents-in-law is emphasized.
Marriage
When a young man wishes to marry, he looks to his father and his mother’s relatives to provide the marriage cattle. The bride price is transferred in ceremony to the girl’s homestead. Once the bride’s parents are satisfied with the dowry she is then surrendered to the groom.
The dowry is divided among her relatives. The Murle speak of relatives as ‘people who have cattle between them’ [atenoc]. The Murle regard with great horror incest [ngilidh]; in the past the offence was almost invariably punished by death.
Initiation into adulthood
Among the Murle there is nothing special to mark initiation into adulthood for both boys and girls. However, boys of the same age could group and give themselves a group name and this is recognised.
Death
The Murle consider death as a natural culmination of life. There is mourning for the dead and in the past the body is not buried but left to the birds and wild animals. Only chiefs receive are buried in a ceremony.
Spirituality and beliefs
The Murle are extremely conscious of the spirits; nevertheless they don’t distinguish between the religious and secular aspects of life. They emphasise the immanence of God as well as the significance of Jen. Anything they can’t explain e.g. rainbow is considered ‘one of God’s things’. Every Murle family undertakes every five to six years a pilgrimage to a sacred spot along River Nyandit to pay offerings to ‘Nyandit’.
Socio-political organisation, Murle traditional authorities
The Murle country is divided into two kidongwana [districts or military regiments in the past] namely Tangojon (south) and Ngarrothi (north). The chiefly system, the age-set system, and the kinship-system are fundamental to the Murle social and political organisation.
The outstanding feature of the political system is the position of the Drum-chiefs [Red chiefs] at the head of the four drum-ships by virtue of their guardianship of the sacred drums, their spiritual powers are paramount. The formal pronouncements of Red-chiefs are treated with the greatest respect.
Murle culture: arts, music, literature and handicrafts
The Murle have evolved a culture centred round cattle and which is expressed in songs, poetry, folklore and dance. They adore their bodies with all kinds of scars and drawings of different animals and birds; the wear different types of beads. Murle literature is invariably oral.
Murle neighbours and relationship with foreigners
The Murle neighbours are Nuer and Dinka, whom they call collectively [jong koth]; the Anyuak, whom the call [Nyoro] and the Toposa, and Jie they call [kum]. The relationship with neighbours is by no means cordial due to their cattle raiding practices.
Latest developments
The Murle are least affected by modernity because of deliberate neglect, marginalisation and political exclusion except when their young men were recruited to fight alongside government army. The civil war has kind of divided the Murle between SPLM and GoS administrations.
Diaspora
Very few Murle people have left home and have travelled to east Africa and overseas.
Reference
B. A Lewis ‘The Murle- Red Chiefs and Black Commoners’, Oxford at the Claredon Press, 1972.
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| 03-20-2005, 02:51 AM |
Munzoul Assal
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| 03-24-2005, 02:36 PM |
Anwar Elhaj
 Anwar Elhaj
Registered: 06-10-2004
Total Posts: 442
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| 03-24-2005, 11:29 PM |
Omar
Omar
Registered: 02-14-2003
Total Posts: 239
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Re: Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better…. (Re: Anwar Elhaj)
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Dear Anwar El Hag,
Thank you for your encouraging words..
However, I would like to point out here again the main source for the posts or information posted so far is the same source I referred to in the first post, i.e.
http://www.gurtong.org
Therefore, the efforts as a matter of fact are the efforts of those who organized that web site and filled it with useful information about our folks in the South.
Regards..
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| 03-24-2005, 11:23 PM |
Omar
Omar
Registered: 02-14-2003
Total Posts: 239
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Re: Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better…. (Re: Munzoul Assal)
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Dear Munzoul
Thank you for your nice words..
Understanding the southerners is important, many of them had a chance during the civil war to move to the north, so they know us better than we know them. The least we can do is to try to find out more about them, and other Sudanese tribes as well. I don’t think the way I manage my contributions gives any one a reason to feel offended or upset.. So, let us try to make this post rich by your contributions also. Every one is invited to contribute and discuss different issues related to “Knowing each other in a better way in Sudan”…
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| 03-29-2005, 08:56 AM |
Omar
Omar
Registered: 02-14-2003
Total Posts: 239
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Re: Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better…. (Re: Omar)
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One of the most important questions is:
How is the SPLA going to behave when the music is over and they are faced with the realities of the south with its tribal society, and the dominant Dinka elements in the movement? Will they overcome the tribal influence and conduct themselves in a fair way managing all southern region on equitable basis? Or are they going to repeat the mistakes of the past, by marginalizing the marginalized by those who had been a victim of the same mistake?
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| 04-19-2005, 10:03 AM |
Omar
Omar
Registered: 02-14-2003
Total Posts: 239
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Re: Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better…. (Re: Omar)
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THE DINKA [Jieng, Mony-Jang]
The name
The people call themselves Jieng [Upper Nile] or mony-jiang [Bahr el Ghazal]. The Nuer call them ‘Jiang’; Shilluk call them ‘Jango’; Arabs and Equatorians call them Jiengge; all stemming from Jieng.
Demography and geography
The Dinka is the largest single national grouping in South Sudan. Numbering about two and half to three millions constituting the more than twenty five aggregates of different Dinka sections [Wut] the Dinka are found in Bahr el Ghazal, Upper Nile and Southern Kordofan regions. Each Dinka section is a separate political entity with established rights to well-defined territory. The main sections and sub-sections and their geographic locations include.
Geographical Location Section (s) Geographical Location Section (s) Aweil Rek [Malual] Pangak Thoi, Luach, Bailiet Ngok [Lual Yak] Renk Abailang, Nyiel, Agier Bentiu Ruweng [Alor, Bil Kuei] Rumbek Agar [Pakam, Rup, Nyang] Gok Bor Bor, Twic, Nyarweng, Hol, Abiok Tonj Rek Luach Gogrial Rek [Apuk, Awan, Kwach] Yirol Aliab Ciec Abyei Ngok Environment, economy and natural resources
The Dinka habitat range from ironstone plateau of Bahr el Ghazal to the flood plains [toich] between the River Nile and its numerous tributaries and distributaries; to the rich savannah grasslands of Upper Nile. The economy is largely traditional animal husbandry, subsistence agriculture, fishing and hunting. Ownership of livestock is familial; and is basis of social status/standing in society. The larger the herd the prestigious the family. The Dinak land in western and northern Upper Nile and Abyei in southern Kordofan is endowed with huge petroleum reserves. Other natural resources include forestry products as shea nuts in Rumbek and Yirol, fisheries resources, etc.
Mythology and history
According to a mythology held by many Dinka sections, the first people to be created by God [Nhialic] were Deng and Abuk understood now as being the equivalent of Adam and Eve. Garang was their first born from who all Dinka people descended.
Language
The Dinka language [Thong mony-jiang or thong-Jieng] and its different variations [dialects] is spoken through Dinka land. Because of this variation it is not surprising that certain sections are unintelligible to others. The Rek of Tonj is said to be the standard Dinka language. The Dinka language relate to other Nilotic group of languages.
Dinka Society, social events, attitudes, traditions and customs
The Dinka section is as an alliance of lineages that are bound by blood and other individuals or families who had attached themselves either by marriage or otherwise. The section identify with a particular lineage originally derived from one of the main chiefly clans [beny], who are dominant and said to have the land of the section. They claim a single ancestor and base their right to political and religious superiority on some particular important myth about their descent.
The second category of clans, the members of which had no special hereditary religious functions, is called collectively kic (commoners). They vary considerably in size and area of distribution. The ‘commoner’ clans were scarcely regarded as wut, but as disunited families with no sense of a wider agnatic relationship [Lienhardt].
The commoner clans among the Dinka are also described as koc tong [people of the war spear, or slaves] in relation to the chiefly clans who were koc bith [people of the fishing spear]. This distinction however is one of culture, not of function [Sنfholm]. Among the Dinka the chief is believed to possess supernatural powers associated with truth-telling, justice, wealth, knowledge, and prophetic vision
The Dinka are proud and ethnocentric but, nevertheless, hospitable and friendly more often than not demonstrating a high moral standard, code of behaviour, feeding mannerism and sense of personal dignity (dheeng) and integrity. They deal with others on the basis of reciprocity. The Dinka are least touched by modernisation; their pride and ethnocentrism must be important factors in their conservatism and resistance to change [Deng].
Dinka culture is centred on cattle. It is the medium of exchange whether in marriage, payment of debts and blood price, or for sacrifices to the spirits and on major occasions and rites.
Naming
Every Dinka male is given an ox by his father, uncle or whoever is responsible for him. His ‘bull-name’ like other Dinka names also derive from colour of their cattle and a girl [Ayen, Yar, etc.] or a boy [Mayom, Mayen, Malith, etc.] could be named after the colour of the best ox [mayom, malith, mayen] or cow [ayen, yar] that was given in marriage by the father. Like other Nilotics, the Dinka have special names for twins: Ngor, Chan, Bol, etc., indicate being a twin.
Dinka have large vocabulary for cattle, their colours and take great interest and pride in the art of making different conformations to which their horns can be trained to grow. When discussing, debating about anything or in a dance a Dinka usually throws up his arms in imitation of the shape of the horns of ox.
Marriage
Marriage is obligatory among the Dinka. Every male is expected to raise a family and can marry as many wives as possible. Relatives marry to the ghost of a male who died in infancy –many ‘ghost fathers’ exist among the Dinka.
The bride price differs from one Dinka section to the other. It ranges from some tens [Upper Nile] to a few hundreds [Bahr el Ghazal]. In the same way the bride price is raised by the groom’s family – contribution, it is distributed correspondingly [uncle to uncle, brother to brother, etc.] in the Bride’s clan.
Chief’s daughters fetch more cattle in the same way chief’s son is expected to pay more cattle for his wife. University graduates fetch more bride prices; a factor that is likely to positively affect enrolment of girls in schools. Like other Nilotics, ####### among the Dinka is only for social reproduction. Thus fornication is prohibited; adulterers are despised and heavily fined sometimes may be source of conflicts and clan fighting. Incest is usually unimaginable and indeed abhorred.
Initiation into adulthood
Initiation into adulthood takes different styles and ceremonies. They invariably remove the four lower canines as a sign of maturity. A girl’s physiological evolutions and attainment of puberty is marked by celebration [usually by women] to demonstrate readiness for marriage. Some Dinka sections scarify the face to mark graduation into adulthood and age-group. In some, women of particular status have their faces scarified.
Social and political organisation,
The Dinka are an acephalous nationality – a cultural rather than political federation of sub-nationalities. The concept of state and hence political institutions, structure and consequently authority does not exist among the Dinka. Each Dinka section is an autonomous political entity in itself.
Chieftainship is hereditary and holds the title of beny (pl. bany), which translate into different things e.g. “chief”, “expert”, or “military officer”. The title always had an attribute in order to indicate the office e.g. beny de ring or beny rein (or riem) [Northern Dinka] and beny bith in the remaining parts of the country. The word ring (or rem) probably refers to the supernatural power of the chief. Bith, on the other hand, is the sacred fishing-spear (unbarbed or un-serrated spear) as a symbol of office [Lienhardt].
The spiritual leaders [fishing spear chief, medicine women/men, and Deng’s chiefs] exert great influence. Except in few cases, the spiritual leaders more often reject secular authority. Dinka chiefs exercised authority by persuasion not through any known instruments of coercion and force. Spirituality and beliefs among the Dinka
The sphere of the living and the dead [ghosts] interact. Tradition permits addressing God and the spirits of the departed ancestors and relatives either directly or through a medium in a special offering place [yik] situated in every Dinka homestead.
Dinka culture, Arts and material culture
The most important culture asset of the Dinka is the cattle camp where all social activities; traits and behaviours including dheeng, valour, generosity and respect for social norms are cultivated. Dinka literature remains oral expressed in songs, poems, and folklore.
The different Dinka sections have evolved their different articles of arts, music and folklore. There are of course many different types of dance formations and songs. The common art is that of war: spear and stick. The Dinka start practicing stick and spear duelling with great dexterity from their youth.
Relationship with neighbours and foreigners
The Dinka have cultural and linguistic affinity to and share much with the Nuer and Shilluk to whom they refer to in their names. The Dinka refer to other peoples as foreigners [jur] and the colour of the skin is the only distinction. ‘Jur chol’ refer to black foreigners and jur mathiang or buony refer to light skin people [Arabs]
Modernity and foreign ideas have permeated Dinka culture and are slowly replacing their traditions and customs. Many Dinka have converted Christianity and Islam [in Ngok and Abialang]. They have adopted either jellabia or European dress and now nudity and wearing of skins are rare sight even in the cattle camps.
Latest Developments
Like other nationalities in south Sudan, the Dinka have been affected by war. Many of have been displaced and live either as internally displaced or as refugees in the neighbouring countries. This has influence on the social fabrics, traditions and attitudes. In Bahr el Ghazal, Dinka interaction with war and its exigencies has resulted in use of their revered cattle in agricultural production.
Many have become traders trekking hundreds of kms to Uganda and Congo to sell their bulls and bring back consumer goods. International humanitarian and development aid inputs; the monetisation of economy and motorisation of transport are slowly but steady prompting changes in the lives of the Dinka.
Diaspora
The war has created a Dinka Diaspora in Europe, America [lost boys] and Australia. Some in the Diaspora maintain strong links and communication with their family members back home; making regular remittances to support them.
FURTHER READINGS
Report and articles in the colonial official communication papers: Sudan Notes and Records [SNR] since 1918.
Seligman, C. G., and Seligman, B. Z., ‘Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan.’ George Routledge & Sons Ltd., London, 1932. Lienhardt, Godfrey, “The Western Dinka”, in Tribes without Rulers, ed. John Middleton and David Tait. Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., London, 1958
Lienhardt Godfrey, ‘Divinity and Experience, the Religion of the Dinka’. Oxford University Press, London, 1961. Gray, Richard, ‘A History of the Southern Sudan, 1839 – 1889’. Oxford University Press, London, 1961.
Swakins, John. ‘Jangara’. Longmans, London, 1963. Deng, Francis Mading. ‘Tradition and Modernisation.’ Yale University Press, New Haven, 1971, and Second edition 2004. Deng, Francis Mading. ‘The Dinka of the Sudan.’ Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Inc., New York, 1972.
Deng, Francis Mading. ‘The Dinka and their Songs.’ Oxford University Press, London, 1973.
Deng, Francis Mading. ‘African of two Worlds.’ Yale University Press, New Haven, 1978.
Collins, Robert O., ‘Land beyond the Rivers, the Southern Sudan, 1898 – 1918.’ Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1971. John Ryle, ‘Warriors of the White Nile, The Dinka.’ Peoples of the World, Time-Life Books, Amsterdam, 1982.
Source: www.gurtong.org
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| 05-09-2005, 04:11 AM |
Omar
Omar
Registered: 02-14-2003
Total Posts: 239
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Re: Crossing the barriers….. Got to know them better…. (Re: Omar)
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The Shilluk Tribe
The Name
The people are known as Shilluk which is a corruption of Chollo.
Demography and geography
The Shilluk number about half a million living on the west bank of River Nile between Lake No in the south and Kosti in the north.]. Some Shilluk settlements are found on the east bank of the Nile and extend as far as Anakdier in the east.
The capital of the Shilluk Kingdom is Pachodo. Other important Shilluk historical sites are in Papwojo, Nyilwal, Didigo, Wau and Akurwa. The major towns are Malakal [Makal], Kodhok [Kal Doro] Tonga [Tungu] and Wad Akon. The Shilluk Kingdom is divided into north [gar] and south [lwak]
Environment, economy and natural resources
The Shilluk country is flat lying plains surrounding the River Nile. It has moderate rainfall regime and its vegetation is made up of thick tall grass and few trees and shrubs. The Shilluk keep few cattle, goats and sheep; and engage in subsistence agriculture. The main crops are sorghum, maize, simsim, beans.
The Shilluk are adroit fishermen and exploit with ease the fish resources of the Nile and the numerous tributaries and distributaries. Recent ecological changes in the Sudan have made the Shilluk Kingdom an important producer of gum arabica. Petroleum is produced not very far from the Shilluk Kingdom and there could be oil wells below its sub-soil.
Mythology and history
The Shilluk are a part of the Luo nation. Tradition has it that sometimes in the fifteenth Century, Nyikango, the founder of the Chollo nation, quarrelled with and separated from Dimo and the other Luo groups in wic pac somewhere in Bahr el Ghazal.
Nyikango and his entourage of close relatives and friends chose to move northwards along the Nile in rafts and canoes searching for a suitable place to settle until he arrived in the land of Otango Dirim. Through war and diplomacy he conquered and in the course of time assimilated Otango Dirim, giving each and every tribe therein a name and a ritual to perform. Tradition has it that his Son Dak was the most influential in the establishment of the Kingdom.
The Shilluk is a nation sensu stricto; a common territory, a common language, a central authority to which all citizens pay allegiance, an elaborate system of customs and traditions which inform the attitudes of the people, the exercise of power and all other social relations. This Shilluk Kingdom was occupied by the Turco-Egyptian regime in 1837 and since then it has not been free except for a brief period between 1881 and 1898 during the Mahdiya. It is recognised by the Sudanese state only as part of the so-called native administration.
Language
The Shilluk language [dhok Chollo] is spoken throughout the Kingdom. It is close and related to other Luo languages of Anyuak, Jo-Luo, Pari, Shatt and Belanda Buor. It is also related to Nuer and Dinka languages.
Shilluk society, social events, attitudes, customs and tradition
The Chollo nation comprises about one hundred different ethnic communities and clans: the indigenous people [otango dirim] and the Luo conquerors [kwa-Räth], who double up as the most politically and socially dominant. The other important clans include kwa-Jullo [the descendents of Ojullo - Nyikango’s cousin and fortune teller] kwa-Jwok (descendants of Ojwok - Nyikango’s cousin), kwa- Oboogo (Oboogo is said to have volunteered to be sacrificed in order to open up the weeds at the confluence of Nile and Bahr el Ghazal to enable the entourage precede with their journey).
The descendents of assimilated Otango Dirim include: kwa-nyidwai, kwa-dway, kwa-nyidhiang, kwa-mal, kwa-man, kwa-nyudho, kwa-mang [originally Nuba], etc., latter additions to the Kingdom are kwa-mwoy [formerly Nuer], kwa-jango [formerly Dinka]. These serve as social identity as well as special functions at Pachodo. The clans intermarried among each other without distinction.
However, tradition prohibits the Rath from taking as wife a girl from among the kwa-Räth or kwa-Jullo. Each clan reproduced its own self and there is no chance for one clan changing to the other in spite of the extensive mixing resulting from marriages. However, a recalcitrant kwa-Räth clan could have its royalty [rädho] removed in a special raid [tyek] overseen by the reigning sovereign. They then become ordinary Shilluk [Chōl].
The Shilluk ascribe to an elaborate traditional system, orally transmitted from generation to the next, in which each and every Shilluk clan, except the royals, has defined role to play in the Kingdom. They participate in the building and repairs of shrines [kengi roor]; the installation of the Räth. Some Shilluk traditions and customs have lost their values or originality. Most archaic traditions have been dropped, while some have lingered on although are transforming under the pressure of modernity.
Birth
The ####### of the new born can be easily gleaned by the site of the bathing shade [bila] and where the umbilical cord [byero] had been buried; right or left of the doorway for male and female respectively. The mother eats special foods to assist quick and easy recuperation. A woman who has recently given birth [up to one month] carries stock of sorghum when she goes out of the house; wears a cross marked with ash on her forehead.
A women still in early pregnancy [one-two months], her husband or somebody who had just buried a relative are believed to be ceremonially polluted [rigen da biy]. They are not allowed to within ten metres of the compound of the newly delivered baby.
There is no myths about twins but some elaborate rites are performed which continue until they are grown up and marry. However, giving birth to triplets is considered abnormal and the fact of this is reported to Pachodo without delay. The Räth blesses them and offers each a milking cow.
Naming
Every Shilluk new born is given milk name [ñiŋ caak] the meaning of which may relate to the experience or circumstance the parents or close relative. The prefix nya- connotes usually a female but is sometimes shared by male. Okach or nyakach refers to famine; oyoo or nyayoo having been born on the road; Acwanyo refers to coinciding with the arrival of an important person or relative; Ronyo or Aban coinciding with death of somebody.
A child could be named [ñiŋ kaalo] after some important person including a departed Räth. In this case the child is taken and offerings made on the on that person’s grave or shrine of Räth. A grown up person could adopt a dance name [ñiŋi bul] or may be given nick name [ñiŋ aŋol] by others. The Shilluk by tradition don’t name a child after a living person.
Initiation into adulthood
There is no elaborate ceremony to mark a girl’s initiation into adulthood. As soon as physiological transformation shows, she goes through elaborate cushioning by the mother as to protect herself from boys and men in general. She is ready for marriage [nyana-jur].
The dance ceremony [choŋ ki bul] for initiating boys into adulthood doubles up as the formation of age-set [people who danced in the same year] is marked by wearing for the first time dance regalia consisting of a leopard skin [prince], wild-cat skin [ordinary]; beads made from shells of ostrich eggs [rek] and a necklace made from tail of giraffe [winni wir]. The boy graduant [nyela-woob] moves to literally bachelors quarters [wot ya-woob]; prepares for own sorghum field [pwodho] and prepares to marry.
Marriage
Marriage is the ultimate goal of every adult male and female. Courtship and intimacy that could last for up to a year or more. Once marriage has been decided on, the girl informs her mother who then informs the father or paternal uncle in case he father is diseased. The shy boy may inform his father through a friend, uncle or somebody he trusts.
Marriage to blood relatives or in-laws is not permitted. Once the suit has been accepted and announced initial bride price [dyel dhok together with ŋyenyi kwaco] is paid. The Shilluk dowry is a minimum of ten cows and thirty sheep and goats. The marriage relationship [ooro] does not expire or rust.
It tightly binds the two families making divorce difficult if not impossible unless there are spectacular reasons. In case of divorce, the dowry is returned. The Shilluk practice pawn-marriage [lwoko] even before the girl has been born. This is accepted in times of extreme stress and difficulties.
Death
As the ultimate end of every living mortal, the Shilluk accept and respect death. It is celebrated when it is the aged or an important person passing. The head is shaved and the body is dressed according to status in society. A child or uninitiated male is buried without much ceremony.
An adult male is dressed in war regalia and the burial is accompanied by war dance and wailing by women, usually with mock war against the ‘jwok’ that is assumed to have ‘killed’ him. The chief is buried in a hut. The Räth is buried with much more paraphernalia. All in all, the body is lowered, lying on the right side with the head pointing to the east facing the open side of the grave, into a grove dug on the right side of the grave.
The burial ceremony is followed after a few weeks by a ritual [pothi kodho] which literally signifies removal of the name from among the living. Three months later a funeral rite [ywok thinh] is performed followed years later, depending on the economic situation of the family, by the last funeral rites [ywong dwong] [last funeral rites] after which the person is considered to have joined the ancestors. The funeral ceremony [wowo] of the Räth is managed, performed and led within a few months by the anointed and succeeding Räth-elect.
Shilluk political organisation, traditional authority
The Chollo Kingdom is made up of two principal political divisions [states]: the north [Gar] and the south [Lwak]. It is divided into fifteen provinces [podh] each under the administration of a paramount chief [jangi-laago] directly responsible to the Räth, believed to be the incarnation of Nyikango and is sovereign combining political, administrative, judicial and spiritual power.
The chiefs of Tungu [south] and Mwomo [north] are the most senior positions as they considered the fronts’ guards. The paramount chief has under his authority village or clan chiefs [jagi myer or, jagi-nyiräth].
There are chiefs of special functions e.g. the chiefs of the hippo called [kwa-wang] situated in Tungu [south] and Mwomo [north]; the chief of Nile lechwe [jangi gyek] in Panyikango. In each province, a military commander [bany] emerges by virtue of military prowess and valour but has no administrative functions or authority.
Coronation of the Räth
The Chollo system does not tolerate a prolonged power vacuum [wangi-yomo] following the passing of the sovereign. He is the law and order and therefore must be immediately replaced. The process of installation of the new Rath begins immediately once the council of chiefs [jagiwipadiwad] have met and decided on a choice.
To be chosen, the prince should have been born during the reign of his late father; should not have scars whatsoever on his body; should not be known to be a coward as he grew up under the supervision of the chief of the village in which he was brought up. The Räth elect [ororo] prepares for wowo [the last funeral rites] of the late Räth and embarks on his own installation process.
Once all the ritual items [Jami kwer] have been procured [some are brought from as far a field as the Funj Kingdom and the Nuba Mountains] and Nyikango has accented to the choice of jagiwipadiwad, then the final stages of coronation [kwer rony] begin in earnest. It could take up to three months until the last day of the ceremony when all the chiefs pay their allegiance to the new Räth, assures the Shilluk nation, and then begin his reign throughout the Chollo Kingdom.
The royal regalia include: throne [kwom], skin of Nile lechwe [pyen gyek], giraffe mane [yar wir], 2 silver bracelets [ateg], ostrich feathers [okwon wudo], royal spears, royal stick, beads made from ostrich shells [rek], and many others some of which remain in the special room [kaano]. Räth Kwongo Dak Padiet is the reigning sovereign. He was installed the thirty fourth Shilluk Rath in 1992.
The Räth reigns for life from Pachodo, established in about [1690 – 1710] as the Kingdom’s headquarters and site for coronation of Kings by Tugo wad Dhakodh. However, the reigning sovereign is expected to found his own village; and comes to Pachodo only when major decisions affecting the Kingdom have to be taken. There was only one woman Räth in Shilluk history – Abudhok nya Bwoch [1660 – 1670] who reigned from Thworo village. She is said to have decreed that no woman should ever be installed Räth since women did not respect her court.
The installation of Shilluk chiefs
The Shilluk chiefs derive their authority [lawo] from Pachodo. They are responsible and must report to Räth on all royal animal and birds pertaining to their respective territories: human being if murdered [dhanho], Nile lechwe [gyek], crocodile [nyang], hippo [paar], giraffe [wir], elephant [liech], [yiel] leopard [kwach], ostrich [wudo], red mouth stock [owango].
Chiefs can be removed from office, which is elective in the sense that it is open to competition is allowed and once the Rath realises the competition is stiff he orders elections with only male adults of that village or province [podho] allowed to cast their votes [lothigen]. As a rule one can become a chief only after the death of one’s father.
Spirituality and beliefs
The Shilluk recognise the existence of two spheres: the sphere of the spirits interacting with that of the living beings. There is the Supreme Being [jwok ayimo] with his home somewhere in the sky [pa-jwok] where people don’t do evil. There are also the spirits of the departed ancestors and relatives, whom one can address in times of distress and tribulations. The Shilluk believe that the ghost of somebody killed or murdered hunts the perpetrator.
Shilluk culture: Arts, music, literature and handicraft
The Shilluk society has evolved a material and political culture expressed in the institutions of the Kingdom and the daily life activities notwithstanding its oral nature. The kingdom rests on an elaborate system of traditions and practices that go back more than five hundred years. The royalty is addressed in a separate vocabulary.
The Shilluk are very particular about body cleanliness; the hair is constructed into two structures that give the impression of plates of hair on the head. They wear beads, and other decoration which include cutting dots on forehead and tattooing on the body. The Shilluk have developed music instrument a kind of guitar [thom], flute made fom the horns of kudu [kang], [adalo], and drum [bul].
The Shilluk control and defence of the Nile channel promoted the evolution of navy that used dug out canoes. They imported iron the Nuba Mountains and Funj Kingdom for making spears [tong], axes [doro], knives [paalo] and hoes [kwer] was imported from the Nuba Mountains and Funj Kingdom. The Shilluk have developed several and different types of dance: bul, thom, amagak, aya, etc., to meet different occasion. Their folklore is rich with fairy tales for children, quizzes, riddles, etc.
Neighbours and foreigners relations and cooperation
The Räth has had a moderating influence on the Shilluk and the cordial relations and mutual respect they have evolved with their neighbours: Salem Arabs in the north, Nuba in the west, Nuer in the south and Dinka and Funj in the east.
Latest developments
The situation of their kingdom on the Nile has exposed the Shilluk to every danger that came downwards with European and Arab incursions and aggression: slavery and slave trade and the so-called modernity [Christianisation and Islamisation]. Many have converted to Christianity [south] and Islam [north] nevertheless their allegiance remains with Pachodo. The war had displaced many Shilluk to north Sudan. This poses a serious threat to Shilluk traditions.
Diaspora
Small Shilluk communities have sprung up in US, Canada, Britain and Australia as a result of displacement by war. Many are still in contact with their families way back home.
Further Reading
Patricia Mercer. ‘Shilluk trade and politics from mid seventeenth century to 1861.’ Journal of Africa History, X11, 3 (1971), pp. 407- 416.
John O Udal. ‘The Nile in Darkness – Conquests and exploration 1504 – 1862.’ Michael Russell. 1998.
David Levering. ‘The Race to Fashoda.’ Bloomsbury.1987
Richard Gray, ‘A history of the Southern Sudan, 1839 – 1889.’ Oxford, University Press, 1961
E. E. Evans-Pritchard, ‘The Divine Kingship of the Shilluk of the Nilotic Sudan.’ Cambridge, University Press, 1948
Source: www.gurtong.org
(Edited by Omar on 05-09-2005, 04:12 AM)
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